“The glory and honor of retired FSB General Yevgeny Khokholkov cannot be overshadowed or discredited. Alexander Litvinenko Lubyanka criminal gang
No matter how strange it may seem, however, it is a fact: Like some democratic and authoritarian regimes, not to mention dictatorial ones, there are special, top-secret ones that are not listed in any reports, statements, budget documents, and even more so various kinds of reports, (even under the heading "Top Secret") Departments in charge of special assignments of heads of state.
Expenses for this department can only go under the heading "other expenses" in the state budget for a certain year.
These departments are supervised by the special representative of the head of state in the secret services.
Even the head of the Secret Service doesn't have to know the members of that department who...are not listed as employees.
But they are on the lists of this Special Department and are ready for the task at the first need.
In ordinary life, they can work with anyone - a taxi driver, a library manager, a postman, a lumberjack, etc. They do not particularly need income, because they should never feel the need for money when they need to urgently rush to a task at any time of the day.
And their tasks are always specific - the elimination of persons. That is, they are killers in the "law". In the "law" of criminal power.
Even the notorious democratic USA still has such a Special Department, despite the loud statements of US President Barack Obama about new approaches in politics. Otherwise, he would have told long ago how his Administration discovered and was forced to liquidate this Department. In the US, this department is supervised by the CIA, and in the Russian Federation - by the GRU. The former head of the CIA recently admitted to the elimination of many objectionable politicians on an international scale, including Salvador Allende (Chile), Patrice Lumumba (Congo), and others.
Many people know that Stalin also had such a Department and at one time gave the command to his liquidators to kill Trotsky, despite the fact that he had been living in exile for many years and did not threaten either Stalin or the Soviet Union in any way.
Executioners of Russia: GRU, FSB, SVR, MVD. Secret squads of killers in the civil service
The special services of the Russian Federation have created parallel structures for the execution of extrajudicial sentences.
After the death of Alexander Litvinenko in London, something happened in Russia. Not everyone has formulated for themselves what exactly, but at the level of sensations they caught something that makes everything inside tense in anticipation of an unknown danger ...
Although our power (Russia) has nothing to do with this murder. That's what officials say. But for some reason we don't believe them. Perhaps one of the reasons is that we remember how very recently the same officials assured the world: the arrested employees of the Russian embassy in Qatar to be killed former president The Chechens of Zelimkhan Yandarbiev have nothing to do with it. But it turned out that the entire process of mining Yandarbiev's car by our diplomats was recorded on video.
Probably, the murder of Litvinenko was the information drop that overflowed the cup of our knowledge, and we understood something about our country that makes us feel naked in outer space.
A very important touch has been added to the great life experience of Russians, which is superimposed on the country's historical experience. (We now know how and on whose orders the Russian politician Trotsky, the Bulgarian writer Markov, and the Ukrainian nationalist Bandera were killed.)
Werewolves from the GRU
What is this personal experience? Everyone has his own. I will tell you about what I had to face myself, what my doubts and fears are involved in.
In 1995, I was preparing an article about the gang of the Larionov brothers who terrorized Vladivostok in the early 90s. The gang was exposed. The case was handled by the Prosecutor General's Office. It turned out that the criminal group was some kind of strange. She was more like military unit with a clear organizational structure, strict hierarchy and iron discipline. It included former honors students in combat and political training of the Airborne Forces and the Marine Corps, a brilliant paratrooper officer and one of the best employees of the local prosecutor's office.
The gang members themselves did not call it a gang. They called it the System, and they study guide there was a book by the former GRU intelligence officer Rezun "Aquarium".
The system was equipped modern means communications for all types of listening to conversations - telephone, at a distance, through walls and windows; she had the equipment to encode her own conversations. The system was well armed, had several dozen safe houses. With the help of an extensive intelligence network, she collected information about the leaders of the underworld, businessmen and employees public institutions. The band killed. Its victims were criminal authorities and businessmen associated with crime. At the same time, as they say in law enforcement agencies, excesses of execution happened - along with the chosen goals, random people died.
It was possible to find out that two colonels of the GRU worked with the gang: the current head of the intelligence department of the intelligence of the Pacific Fleet, Zubov, and the former head of the operational-analytical center of the same intelligence, Poluboyarinov. Poluboyarinov directly formed the gang and also led the analytical center in it.
The system acted self-confidently and impudently. After each crime committed, some invisible force slowed down the investigation, ruined criminal cases, and took out the criminals, whom the police operatives were attacking. One of those whose professional activity endangered the very existence of the gang was Colonel Slyadnev, head of the Vladivostok police department. Therefore, the organization decided to kill the colonel. The operation to destroy was entrusted to a former fighter of the naval special forces and called it "Barracuda".
At the meeting, Slyadnev told me that, listening to the telephone conversations of the gang members, he found out who was behind the organization. "Who?" I asked. "I can't say that," replied the Colonel. “But you can’t even imagine what the level of these people are.”
Today I am convinced that the colonel meant the GRU
What kind of gang is this, formed from excellent fighters, well-equipped and operating under the patronage of officers of the Main Intelligence Directorate of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation? The Prosecutor General's Office was unable to answer this question. Or rather, she did not even try to do this, because no one would let her.
Both colonels were declared "werewolves". Zubov was fired from the fleet, and Poluboyarinov was killed. The Larionov brothers were also destroyed. The youngest, who led the gang, was killed in a cell after he, realizing that he had been betrayed, declared that he would tell the media the truth about the role of the GRU in creating the gang. The lawyer of Larionov Jr., who prepared the text of the article, was also killed.
Around the same time as the Larionov gang in Vladivostok, the Veps gang was active in Nakhodka. Seasoned criminals were released ahead of schedule from prisons. They were armed and set on the so-called Chechen mafia, which in fact did not exist in Nakhodka. The gang simply helped redistribute property. She got out of control and began to wet not only those who were pointed out to her, but also everyone whom she herself considered necessary.
The local FSB officer, who was the first to realize that the leadership of the Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime (GUBOP) of the Russian Ministry of Internal Affairs, had created the gang, was killed by police allegedly due to a misunderstanding. As it turned out, the gang acted not only with the support of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, but also with the then leadership of the Primorsky Territory. The investigator of the Prosecutor General's Office, who began investigating the Vaps case, as far as I understood from our communication with him, was afraid of those who were behind the gang. Perhaps that is why he drank heavily.
Specialists in "wet" cases
Journalist Dima Kholodov was killed in October 1994 - at a time when Far East two gangs were exposed, traces of which led to the GRU and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The investigation into the murder of Dima in the very first months led the investigation to both of these organizations. The military personnel of the 45th Airborne Regiment, which belonged to the GRU, fell under suspicion. During the investigation, it turned out that this group was not subordinate to the regiment commander. Is this possible in an ordinary military unit? Of course it's impossible. But the fact of the matter is that the 45th regiment was not an ordinary military unit. We will talk about what he really was a little later. In the meantime, let's try to figure out what the military personnel who were in the military unit in a special position were.
It turned out in court that GRU officers were used in special operations in Abkhazia, Transnistria, and Chechnya. What were these operations? It turned out that the servicemen were carrying out a very delicate mission - they physically eliminated the persons they were pointed to. For example, one of the regiment's servicemen killed a Georgian pilot who allegedly bombed a ship with civilians during the Abkhazian events.
This fact alone deserves to be investigated: the officer Russian army, apparently, on the orders of his leadership, he goes abroad and there he kills a citizen of a foreign state. Whichever way you come in, he's committed a crime. Exactly the same as those who gave him the order. But in the course of the investigation into the murder of Kholodov, no attention was paid to this accompanying episode.
The following fact did not receive development in the matter either: one of the accused officers at one time deftly planted a magnetic mine under the car of the then Deputy Minister of Finance of Russia Vavilov. The explosives worked, but by a lucky chance, the deputy minister survived. There are detailed testimonies about this episode in the Kholodov case, but they were also ignored. But they confirmed the taped conversations that the defendants had among themselves. From these conversations it followed that a special unit of the 45th regiment specialized in assassinations, for which they paid well.
The materials of the investigation gave every reason to believe that the group of servicemen was nothing more than a brigade of killers working on special orders.
Unfortunately, the Prosecutor General's Office did not investigate the entire range of issues that arose in connection with the Kholodov case. I think this was not done for the same reason that she did not begin to delve into the role of the GRU and the Ministry of Internal Affairs in creating gangs in Vladivostok and Nakhodka - no one would have allowed her to do this.
The Prosecutor General's Office is convinced that the GRU officers' involvement in Kholodov's murder has been proven. But, according to employees who were involved in the investigation of the crime, the alleged killers of Kholodov could have been saved from prison by their high-ranking patrons, whose orders they may have carried out.
I mentioned that, while studying the Kholodov case, the investigation, in addition to the GRU, came to the GUBOP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. This is an extremely important fact, to which we will return later, and which will help us in understanding the scale of what is happening in Russia. The arrested servicemen of the 45th regiment were found to have the so-called cover documents made in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In particular, they were signed by the then deputy head of the GUBOP Baturin. During the investigation into the murder of Kholodov, in which the police headquarters also took part, it turned out that it was from here that information about the course of the investigation leaked to the accused. Indirectly, all this suggested that a group of servicemen of the 45th regiment, in carrying out a special mission, worked hand in hand with the leadership of the GUBOP. In connection with all this, the unexpected death of Baturin cannot be perceived as something accidental. He could be eliminated as the most vulnerable link at the junction of two structures that acted illegally.
Demolitionists from the FSB
In the mid-1990s, a series of terrorist attacks took place in Moscow. The most tragic is the explosion in a trolley bus on Strastnoy Boulevard. There was talk of a well-coordinated militant attack on Moscow. But suddenly it turned out that it was not Chechen fighters who blew up the bus at VDNKh, but ... a former KGB colonel. The court proved his guilt.
In addition, it also turned out that not a militant, but a former FSB officer, also tried to blow up the railway bridge across the Yauza. Apparently, he would have done this if he had not blown himself up during the laying of an explosive device.
It turned out that both former intelligence officers were directly related to the gang of Maxim Lazovsky. At least eight current FSB officers worked closely with the gang. This was established by the head of the 12th department of the MUR, police lieutenant colonel Vladimir Tskhai. As soon as it became clear that Petrovka would not let go of the prey, Lazovsky and his closest henchmen were destroyed. Tskhai also died of cirrhosis of the liver. None of the lieutenant colonel's colleagues believed in his natural death, whose sober lifestyle served as a role model. Friends are convinced that Tskhai was poisoned.
In connection with the explosions in which state security officers who worked with the Lazovsky gang turned out to be involved, one cannot ignore the explosions of residential buildings that thundered in Moscow on the eve of the second Chechen war. It was announced that the explosions were carried out by Chechens. But one of the main witnesses in this story, recorded on a dictaphone, told me that, contrary to the statement of the investigation, he did not rent the basement in the house on Guryanov Street to the militant Gochiyaev. It was a completely different person. In an identikit, compiled from the words of a witness, former FSB lieutenant colonel Mikhail Trepashkin identified an agent of special services ...
In addition, the leadership of the FSB was never able to clearly explain what kind of exercises they conducted in Ryazan with the laying of bags of hexogen and a clock fuse mechanism? And where did the officers of the special services disappear, who made this bookmark and whose conversations with their leadership were recorded on the city switchboard?
After the scandal that arose in connection with the "exercises", the investigation into the circumstances associated with them was classified.
Does the interest of the state require killing?
One more example. In Kaliningrad, RUBOP officers exposed a gang backed by officers of the local FSB. The man who was engaged in kidnapping and extortion turned out to be an agent of special services. During interrogation under video recording, he told how he shot a well-known businessman in the city from a machine gun. At the same time, he claimed that he did it on the order of ... the head of the department for combating terrorism and protecting the constitutional order of the FSB Kaliningrad region. A state security officer took part in the direct operation for the physical elimination.
Surprisingly, neither the FSB nor the prosecutor's office began to investigate these circumstances. Moreover, RUBOP officers who received information about possible criminal activities of special services were subjected to persecution.
What do all these mean strange stories? They say that at the trial, former state security colonel Vorobyov, who blew up a bus at VDNKh, exclaimed: “This is a mockery of the special services!” What did the former officer mean by this? Why, in his view, the trial of a person who committed a terrorist act is not a completely natural, logical action, but a mockery? Is it because he, following someone's order, was convinced that he was acting in the interests of the state, and he, a dedicated professional, as a banal terrorist, was sent to the bunk? If so, can you imagine the gap in the intelligence officer's mind between understanding what is legal and what he thinks is appropriate?
The colonel's enigmatic phrase took on special significance when I found in my hands a document, which, it seems to me, of extraordinary social significance. This, judging by its content, is a top secret instruction on 70 pages, explaining much of what has been happening in the country over the past fifteen years. It united dozens of terrorist attacks committed on the territory of Russia and abroad with one strategic plan.
I published excerpts from this instruction in Moskovskiye Novosti back in 2002, but the events connected with the murder of our colleague Anna Politkovskaya, former FSB Lieutenant Colonel Alexander Litvinenko, and the attempted poisoning of Yegor Gaidar make us revisit this document and rethink it .
“The processes taking place in the criminal environment,” the introductory part of the instruction says, “in the perspective of development, directly affect the security of the state. Organized crime and its phenomenon - criminal terror - threaten the foundations of state power. …Now our society is opposed by a well-organized structure based on the powerful potential of the shadow economy, covering its activities with the help of corrupt officials who have highly qualified professionals to eliminate both objectionable businessmen and politicians…
It is extremely necessary to have a structure that has a real opportunity to solve, using intelligence, intelligence, operational and technical capabilities, tasks aimed at preventing and neutralizing these negative phenomena ...
Direct introduction of personnel secret employees into economic, commercial, entrepreneurial and banking structures, bodies government controlled and the executive branch, the creation of institutions and cover companies will allow through contacts within these structures ... to create a wide agent network ... ".
The document lists in detail where exactly agents should be introduced: into the executive bodies, into the financial and banking system, into the tax and customs authorities, into the stock exchanges and into the courts.
“At the stage of implementation of operational materials, it is possible to connect and neutralize bandit formations by operational-combat methods,” the instruction says.
“A top secret special unit is being created… In addition to the central unit, it is expedient to create regional operational-combat groups…”.
The organizational form of this illegal structure “may be a private detective, security company. The head of the enterprise and the main part of the employees ... persons dismissed from the operational services of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the FSB, the Foreign Intelligence Service, the Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Republic of Armenia.
“In order to cover up this reconnaissance and operational-combat activity ... it seems appropriate to create public organization, for example, the Association of Special Forces Veterans of Russia, etc. The premises of the association can be used as basic safe houses, where operational-combat groups will be concentrated and employees who are in an illegal position will be received.”
“On the basis of such structures, it is possible to create permanent false gangs that enter into close operational contact directly with organized crime groups of a gangster orientation and organized crime groups specializing in contract killings and terrorist attacks ...”.
“In order to better encrypt illegal employees involved in conducting operational combinations for short-term legendary penetration into the criminal environment, and to increase the level of their security, there is an urgent need to organize a fictitious military unit with all the attributes in the regions and the center.”
“In cases of extreme necessity ... a structural unit of illegal intelligence - special forces ... can be used to neutralize or physically eliminate the leaders and active members of terrorist, reconnaissance and sabotage groups waging war with the federal government.
Physical liquidation can be carried out ... only of persons sentenced by the Russian judicial authorities to capital punishment - death penalty or in order to prevent grave consequences, also on the basis of the existing laws of the Russian Federation…”.
Secret services threaten
The cited document, of course, contradicts the Constitution, the norms of criminal law and our ideas about a state in which extrajudicial executions are impossible. In any case, this is what the leaders of the country tirelessly repeat. However, it turns out that the country has built complete system from the special services specifically for extrajudicial reprisals.
But is it worth believing a printed text without a signature and without a secrecy stamp? The person who handed over the document said in words that it was signed by one of the then leaders of the GUBOP, the Hero of Russia, Colonel Seliverstov, and he removed the secrecy stamp when photocopying, so that, as he put it, "journalists would not have any unnecessary problems."
I contacted the colonel. The fact that the secret instruction was at the disposal of the media, it seemed to me, plunged the colonel into shock. Seliverstov assured that he did not sign anything of the kind, but said: "The person who handed over the document to you committed a state crime."
Instead of himself, he sent a person to the meeting who introduced himself as an "employee of the competent authorities." He tried to convince me that the document itself was not criminal, just as the knife was not originally a murder weapon. “The whole question is how to use it: they can also cut bread,” the stranger explained. He strongly recommended not to publish the document, otherwise, he said, I "may have the same problems as Pasko and Nikitin" (I remind you that Pasko and Nikitin are former naval officers accused of disclosing state secrets. - Auth.).
A telephone conversation with Colonel Seliverstov and a meeting with his representative convinced me that the secret instruction really existed. In addition, intelligence experts to whom I told about the secret document noted that such a document could not have appeared without a more general policy document at the government level. This coincided with the message of the one who transmitted the instruction: he stated that there was a secret government decree, in the development of which the instruction was drawn up. And another person said that the first deputy prime minister of the country at the very beginning of the 90s, Yuri Skokov, was involved in the creation of the decree.
Of course, not a single person involved in the production of documents that contradict the law and therefore fall under criminal prosecution admits this voluntarily, and even more so - publicly. But there are many signs by which it is possible to establish with a high degree of certainty: does such a document exist and is it still in force?
For example, in the early 1990s, one of the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs told me in a private conversation that the methods of combating organized crime were outdated and new approaches were needed. In particular, it is necessary to legally allow agents infiltrated into gangs to kill.
I found an echo of the general's thoughts about the use of unconventional methods in the fight against crime in a secret instruction.
“... Ways and methods of struggle of special services and law enforcement… behind the requirements. Documentation of criminal activity is carried out at a low professional level, a weak material and technical base ...
non-traditional approaches, methods and solutions are needed when conducting operational-search activities.
It seems that the general was thinking about what had already been molded into the lines of a government directive and departmental instruction.
There is another sign indicating that the document we have cited is not fiction. This is real life. Many crimes seem to have been staged according to the script of the cited document. Let's compare the activities of the groups we talked about with the instruction. They match completely. It turns out that the gangs of the Larionov brothers in Vladivostok, Veps in Nakhodka and Lazovsky in Moscow are false gangs created by special services? A 45th paratrooper regiment- "fictitious Military Unit with all attributes? If this is so, then it becomes clear why a small group of servicemen did not report to the regiment commander, but closed up on the head of intelligence of the Airborne Forces.
The instruction speaks of the need "in order to cover up this reconnaissance and operational-combat activity ..." the creation of "a public organization, for example, the Association of Special Forces Veterans of Russia, etc." Let's look around: there are already dozens of such associations.
Let's go back to the instructions.
“It is extremely necessary for a structure that has a real opportunity to solve, using intelligence, intelligence, operational and technical capabilities, tasks aimed at preventing and neutralizing these negative phenomena ...”.
Has such a structure been established? I think yes. This is probably the once top secret division of the FSB, created in the early 90s, the so-called URPO. The abbreviation is deciphered as follows: Directorate for the development of criminal organizations. It was headed by General Yevgeny Khokholkov. The unit consisted of 150 people, whose task was to introduce secret employees into the criminal environment. Based on personal conversations with General Khokholkov, I got the impression that the URPO was created precisely with the goals set out in the instructions.
The country learned about the URPO in 1998, when five employees of the department held a press conference and talked about the fact that a secret unit was engaged in extrajudicial killings. In particular, the employees claimed that the management of the department hatched plans for the physical elimination of Boris Berezovsky.
The official authorities ridiculed the press conference. Then it seemed to me that the authorities were right. Today I don't assess the authorities' arguments so unequivocally. It is hard to imagine that five FSB officers at once - solid lieutenant colonels - colonels - all suddenly went crazy and publicly began to talk nonsense, knowing full well that they would not get away with it just like that. (Today, one of the participants in the press conference was killed, the second was thrown into prison on trumped-up charges. The rest, having repented, helped to “expose” their comrades, who refused to repent.)
After that press conference, at which the true role of the URPO surfaced, the department was urgently disbanded, and the then director of the FSB, Kovalev, was fired.
How to make "avengers"
Already in London, one of the participants in the famous press conference, Alexander Litvinenko, told me the following story. Once he was invited to a conversation by one of the deputy heads of the special services. The conversation was, according to Litvinenko, about his transfer to a unit that dealt with "wet" cases.
The deputy asked, - said a former FSB officer, - how, in my opinion, the physical elimination of a person should be organized. I replied that a convict serving a sentence in a colony could be used for this. Having done the deed, he will be securely hidden from all persecution. The deputy agreed with this, but spoke about his version. He noticed that a relative of the deceased could be used. A person is ready to take revenge, and this feeling can be used: promise to punish the killer loved one, but in return, ask to fulfill our request - to remove the one we point to.
And Litvinenko also touched upon a ten-year-old story connected with the gang of the Larionov brothers, which I mentioned at the beginning. While working on this case, for a long time I could not find an explanation for the murder of GRU Colonel Valentin Poluboyarinov. On the way to the airport, he was intercepted by his own people and strangled with his son. Here is what Litvinenko said:
The deputy chief of the secret service noted that treason in their system is punished mercilessly. And he cited the case of Colonel Poluboyarinov as an example. “The colonel wanted to betray us and paid the price,” he said.
It turns out that Poluboyarinov intended to open the eyes of someone in Moscow to the criminal activities of the GRU?
Why, for what purpose, residencies, operational-combat groups, false gangs and false military units, all kinds of councils and secret service funds have been created in the country, why have their special agents been introduced into commercial and state structures?
The instruction gives an explanation: for protection state security. This justifies the need for extrajudicial reprisals.
They wanted to stop crime, curb corruption. Maybe. Did they succeed? The answer is obvious.
From the first steps of the activity of the operational-combat groups, along with the criminal authorities, innocent people were dying. In addition, none of the criminal authorities sentenced to death by the special services was even brought to trial. None of them posed a threat to public safety, which could lead to grave consequences with global destruction or loss of life. But it was precisely these two circumstances that justified the need for their physical elimination.
It is obvious that the creators of the secret instructions, allegedly relying on the laws of the Russian Federation when carrying out extrajudicial reprisals, were frankly disingenuous. They just untied their hands.
Who decides to kill?
The technology of extrajudicial killings has been perfected in Chechnya. Thousands of Russian citizens who disappeared there without a trace are an example of new approaches in the struggle for the observance of the rule of law. One of the former special forces officers who was active in Chechnya told me about how people disappear who neither relatives nor law enforcement agencies can find. The captured are interrogated with the use of torture, then taken to a deserted place, “stored” in groups of 3-5 people and blown up with a powerful charge. Not a trace remains of the corpses. They are dispersed in space.
The instructions we have given do not say a word about who and at what level makes the decision on physical elimination. According to the Constitution, only the court determines the guilt of a person and the measure of his punishment. And outside of court? Department head? Management? Services? Or someone higher, depending on the figure of the alleged perpetrator? And what arguments are enough to pass judgment?
The way to fight crime, which seemed easy and simple, and, most importantly, effective, actually plunged the country into an even greater abyss of lawlessness. Moreover, he brought crime to a completely different, not only organizational, but also political level. A number of murders have taken place in the country, the signs of which directly or indirectly indicate that they were committed by specialists who have gone through the school of special services. The objects of elimination are public figures or people whose abilities and influence were not widely advertised, but whose position had a significant impact on a certain circle of businessmen and politicians, or posed a threat with their awareness of the financial scams of major government officials. In these crimes, several circumstances point to various associations of veterans of bodies: the method of murder and the behavior of the investigating authorities in investigating the crime.
Tsepov was killed in Russia in the same way as Litvinenko in London
Let's remember mysterious death famous banker Ivan Kivilidi. I spoke with Yefim Brodsky, head of the laboratory at the Institute for the Evolution of Animal Morphology and Ecology, who established the formula for the poisonous substance placed in the banker's telephone receiver.
It's a nerve agent like sarin, the scientist said. - This is an exclusive OV. Only a specialist working with similar substances in the laboratory could install it. It is not difficult to figure out who exactly did this: there are only a few laboratories in which they can work with such agents, and there are countless people who have access to them.
Why doesn't this happen? Are they not looking for?
Two years ago, another thing happened in the country murder mystery. We are talking about Roman Tsepov, the head of a private security company from St. Petersburg. Tsepov was a very rich man and had almost unlimited opportunities thanks to friendly relations with the first persons of the state. His power was feared.
In one of the certificates, compiled, apparently, by some of the special services back in the late 90s and which came into my possession, it was stated that Tsepov collected tribute from the commercial structures of St. Petersburg, primarily from the casino, and personally delivered one high-ranking official in the FSB in Moscow.
When I asked my St. Petersburg colleague, who was friends with Tsepov, whether Tsepov was the financial wallet of an important state person, the colleague replied: “He was a lock on this person’s financial wallet.”
The attending physician of Tsepov, head of the department of the 32nd hospital in St. Petersburg, Peter Perumov, told me in detail, in detail, how his patient's illness proceeded.
Tsepov had all the signs of poisoning, severe vomiting, diarrhea, - said Perumov. But at the same time he did not have any chills or fever. I invited specialists from various clinics in the city, but we still could not understand what was happening with the patient. I think Tsepov could have died because a lethal dose of colchicide, a drug used to treat leukemia, was injected into his body.
From a source in the prosecutor's office of St. Petersburg, I learned that the examination established the cause of Tsepov's death: he was poisoned with a radioactive element. In his body, the dose of radiation exceeded the allowable one million times!
Who dared to kill such a powerful man close to the Kremlin?
Unlike how vigorously, quickly and comprehensively investigates the murder of Litvinenko Scotland Yard, in Russia the investigation into the murder of Tsepov is not going anywhere. Absolutely nothing is known about him. Exactly the same as about the investigation into the murder of Kivilidi.
Let me emphasize that this last circumstance is most characteristic of murders of this kind. As soon as the traces of the crime are drawn to the GRU, FSB, SVR or the Ministry of Internal Affairs, they immediately break off.
How was any trace cut off in the investigation into the death of the deputy editor-in-chief of Novaya and State Duma deputy Yuri Shchekochikhin, whose mysterious sudden death occurred as a result of a disease, in its symptoms surprisingly similar to what happened to Lieutenant Colonel Litvinenko. In 2003, the case was never opened. To our demand, sent to the Prosecutor General's Office in 2006, to investigate the circumstances of Shchekochikhin's death in connection with newly discovered circumstances, there is still no answer.
We do not yet know for certain who killed Litvinenko and who gave the order to eliminate him. But, you see, against the backdrop of everything that is happening in Russia today, it is difficult to abandon the version that it was the special services who were involved in this murder. Moreover, just a few months before the death of the former FSB officer, at the request of President Putin, the State Duma allowed the special services to carry out extrajudicial executions abroad as well.
Outcome
The above facts give grounds to assume that, bypassing the Constitution domestic intelligence services, but rather related "funds" affiliated with them, are endowed with special powers. Through their illegal and semi-legal divisions, they have become one of the main levers for governing the country. They have acquired a force that poses a danger both to society as a whole and to each citizen of the country individually. Including the president himself.
As a citizen of Russia, I demand from the Prosecutor General's Office, from the Federation Council, from the Security Council under the President of Russia, from the president himself:
1. Investigate and determine if there is a secret government decree authorizing intelligence agencies to conduct so-called unconventional methods of fighting crime?
2. Is there an instruction, made in the bowels of the special services and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, in the development of this resolution?
3. Determine whether there are units created in accordance with the alleged secret government decree and secret instruction, and what is their role today?
Igor KOROLKOV, columnist for Novaya
P.S. When the issue was being made up, we did receive an answer from the Prosecutor General's Office: to refuse to initiate a criminal case on the fact of Yu.P. Shchekochikhin's death.
FSB wets Russians in foreign toilets
At the disposal of the British newspaper The Daily Telegraph was a copy of the order of the FSB of the Russian Federation on the creation of special squads to fight people who are wanted in Russia, but left it.
According to the publication, the document was signed by Mikhail Nechaev, who at that time headed the FSB Counterintelligence Service.
The order is stamped “Secret. For administrative use. Do not copy". The order is about countering extremism. In particular, about the search, identification and possible return in the Russian Federation of people accused of terrorism and committing "especially grave crimes against citizens of the Russian Federation or against Russian state and governments."
According to the text of the order, by special order, agents are allowed, among other things, to eliminate targets on the territory of other countries (in particular, the countries of the post-Soviet space and the European Union are mentioned). Also in the order, an order was given for "intensive training" of detachments and individual agents "for work in Western Europe and the countries of the European Union."
The order is dated March 19, 2003; May 1, 2004 is indicated as the likely start date for the units it refers to. Thus, the publication suggests, Russia began the fight against terrorists abroad before the country passed a law allowing this (this happened in July 2006).
British journalists also believe that the appearance of this order is connected with the murder of former FSB lieutenant colonel Alexander Litvinenko, who died in November 2006 in a London hospital due to poisoning.
In the UK, a former FSB officer, State Duma deputy Andrei Lugovoi, is suspected of Litvinenko's murder, but Russia refuses to extradite him, and he himself does not recognize the charges.
The day before, on October 2, another British newspaper, The Sunday Times, published an interview with former British Attorney General Ken MacDonald, who was investigating the Litvinenko case. McDonald for the first time openly accused the Russian Federation of Litvinenko's murder and called the murder a "state-led execution."
In October 2011, the UK will resume an investigation into the death of Litvinenko (this investigation is being conducted to determine the cause of death under unusual circumstances). According to coroner Andrew Reed, who investigated Litvinenko's death back in 2006, the purpose of the investigation is only to establish the cause of death and all of its circumstances.
You were transferred to URPO in August 1997. You said that Kovalev personally gave the order. How did it happen?
It began with a conflict with Volokh, the head of the OU ATC, where I then served. My group carried out the detention of the Mytishchi criminal authority named Grigor. According to operational data, several contract killings hung on it. But they took him in a criminal case on the importation of drugs into the zones - there was evidence and an arrest warrant. There was an ambush at his house, and when he showed up, one of my guys tried to handcuff him. Well, he resisted, hit him on the head with a bag - and run away. The employee is behind him. As expected, fired three shots into the air. Gregory didn't respond. My employee started shooting to kill and wounded Grigor.
Grigor was taken away in an ambulance, and Volokh called me to him and started yelling. They say that they started shooting in the city, raids will begin in the newspapers tomorrow. That, they say, we behave like cowboys, etc. I was angry, we "We didn't sleep for two days, we sat in ambush for this Grigor. My people were tired. I could barely stand on my own. And then my employees were not allowed to go home, they began to interrogate one by one. In general, I slammed the door and went to Kovalev.
Did he accept you right away?
Kovalev knew me well. Shortly before this, Trofimov and I visited him about Khokholkov. Even earlier, he personally monitored my work on Listyev and the explosion at Logovaz. Although he forbade the development of Khokholkov, he treated me well. In general, if an ordinary opera asks for a personal appointment with the director of the FSB, then a smart director will always accept him, because no one will turn to him for nothing. And Kovalyov was a smart director.
I went to him, began to report. My people detained the bandit, and he resisted. I had to use weapons. The prosecutor's office admitted that everything was according to the law. And Volokh, instead of saying thank you, arranged an internal investigation. I say, I never give up my people. If he doesn't give up, I'll resign.
Kovalev asks:
And who was shooting?
Lieutenant Colonel Gorshkov. He is an experienced opera. He served in the police for twenty years before he came to us. He has two wounds. Eight uses of weapons. Shoots without a miss. Several people were killed.
Kovalev says:
eight times? Wow. And these are your people?
Yes talking.
We need such people. You will go to work in URPO. Take your people with you.
I was stunned. How, I think, I will go there, if I brought him material on Khokholkov.
And he seemed to read my thoughts:
Forget Khokholkov. We checked it. But it won't hurt if I have my own person in URPO. Agree? You will go to the seventh department to Gusak.
What did the seventh department do?
In general, looking back, I will say - extrajudicial reprisals. Gusak showed the initiative - he submitted a report to the director. He wrote in detail that criminality, thieves in law have blossomed, it is impossible to imprison them, so allow them to be removed by extrajudicial methods.
Kovalev took this report, put it in a safe, created a department and appointed Gusak as the head. Department of Special Tasks.
Did other FSB officers know what your department is doing?
No one knew. The highest degree of secrecy. It was known that this department was engaged in the development of criminal gangs in Moscow and the Moscow region. I myself thought so when I went there.
How many people were you?
There are twelve people in the department. The entire URPO consisted of 40 operas, plus its own auxiliary units - outdoor advertising, wiretapping, a power group, autonomous operational accounting, etc. In essence, it was a separate leadership strike group. We were at a separate facility on Novokuznetskaya, where the mansion stands. Nobody touched us, no inspectors, nothing.
You said that the URPO was created specifically for Khokholkov after the liquidation of Dudayev. Were there any special tasks for Chechnya?
No. Rather the opposite. The fact is that Chechnya, in a sense, corrupted the special services. There are other rules, more is allowed, more gets away with it. In Moscow, due to the fact that the bandit was easily wounded, Volokh made a scandal for me, and in Chechnya, you can inadvertently send a dozen people to the next world, and no one will say a word. So the authorities decided to create, for the sake of efficiency, a special unit that could operate in Moscow, as in Chechnya. I realized this right away, at one of the first meetings.
Kovalev talked about new appointments. We are talking about Umar Pasha - we have such a colonel, a Chechen by nationality. Shebalin from our department laughs: "We've come to this point - Umar is already working in the central office. Nikolai Dmitrievich, remember the case when Umar Pasha offered you to give Basayev for forty thousand dollars?" Kovalyov waved his hands: "I remember, I remember." My new boss Alexander Gusak later told me about this incident.
When Kovalev was on a business trip in Chechnya, Umar Pasha came to him (he worked in the local FSB) and said that people were ready to hand over Basayev and indicate the place where he would now appear. "Let's get forty thousand dollars." Kovalev says: "No, let's first Basaeva." Then Umar Pasha says: “He may not be alive. He can be killed." Kovalev: "Let's at least the dead, then I'll give the money." Umar agreed. We arrived at a wagon. "There," they say, "Basayev, but it's dangerous to go in there."
This trailer was shot from machine guns and machine guns. Then the corpses were pulled out. Basayev was not among them. There were some peasants. Seven or eight corpses were pulled out. Kovalev says: “I would give money, and then what? Basayev is not here.”
That is, Kovalev - the director of the FSB - was present at the commission of the crime?
It turns out that way.
Seven people were killed for no reason at all.
Yes. Then they said they were militants.
But they haven't even established their identities, have they?
As Gusak said, no one installed anything. They dug up and left. And Kovalev was glad that he did not give the money. And Umar Pasha reproached everything: “You ask for such money, some peasants were shot, but Basayev is not there.” Umar says: "They shot early. We should have waited. He would have come."
Imagine, guys from Chechnya come after such operations to fight the bandits, and they are told: "This is not Chechnya for you, now everything is according to the law."
Was there any principle of recruitment at all?
Grinevsky served in Husak's group, for example. How did he get to him? Prior to that, he worked in the Vladimir region, in one of the regional departments. Grinevsky developed one object, and as he himself said, this object was a rare bastard. Andrei realized that it was impossible to imprison him, because he had connections in the police and the prosecutor's office. Well, in general, Grinevsky organized his murder. How, who - he did not tell. He simply said: "It was necessary to cleanse society of this infection."
The police came to Grinevsky, he was detained, he spent ten days on suspicion of murder, but they failed to prove anything. Then they removed him from there, they began to look for a place where to transfer him. Some of my friends helped me transfer to Moscow. The personnel officer Baev walked around the departments, asking: "Does anyone need a person?" Gusak became interested: "Who?" “So-and-so is suspected of having killed the object. Everyone understands that he did it, but there is no evidence." Husak says: "We need such people."
And you yourself accept the logic of Grinevsky, that if the object cannot be obtained by the court, then it is permissible to destroy it in another way. If - on merit?
Now, after what happened in the URPO, I know that it is better to let the criminal get away with it than to let the cop do chaos. I know that the fight against crime must go within the law. Bandits are outside the law, and we are in it! Yes, it's harder for us. But if for the destruction of crime someone goes beyond the law, then he does not come back. There is no reverse.
However, I must say that this understanding was not easy for me. When Kovalev sent me to the URPO, I had in mind my colleague Gorshkov, an honest officer who was unfairly dragged for interrogation for abuse of power. Most of the cops who daily encounter bandits, murderers, complete scumbags and cannot get them, look at the law and human rights as an annoying hindrance.
But the fact is that if you allow the cops or special services to become above the law, then instantly there will be people - in the same special services or in the political leadership, who will begin to use this for their own purposes, to sell, so to speak, services on the market. Or seize power.
It starts with Dudaev - after all, in fact, he was killed illegally, but all this was swallowed up, because - Chechnya. Then the Chechen peasants - again, it seems not so scary, they are strangers. And it went. And it all ends with orders from the drug mafia or political assassinations.
How did you get your insight?
Everyone has their own threshold, something like a prohibitive barrier, and if you cross it, then there will be no turning back. For some, to help an old friend "resolve the issue" with the debtor, for others - to sell information, for the third to take their share of the "kickback" for a custom operation, for the fourth - to organize a roof, for the fifth - to kidnap a person, for the sixth - to kill him, and for some - to blow up a bus with passengers. There are all sorts of people in the organs - from pure and disinterested to complete scumbags. And those and others are few. Almost everyone is smeared with something, but not everyone will blow up residential buildings. And not everyone in the FSB was tied to blood, even in our seventh department of the URPO. The wisdom of leadership is to cover up everyone and then use them according to their prohibitive barrier, but not to force people to do what they definitely won't do. My barrier came when I was ordered to kill a man.
Past the blood
Gusak recruited people to the seventh department who had special “merits”, like the cop who killed the object. And you say you don't have blood on you. How is this consistent?
Gusak did not choose me, but Kovalev sent me. Later, Gusak himself will say about this in an interview: “I did not want to take Litvinenko into my unit. His leadership imposed it on me. "I think that they overlooked me, they were mistaken. Gusak believed that Kovalev checked me for blood, and Kovalev - that Gusak.
Only later, when they began to press us, they rushed to check everything in hindsight. Gusak somehow called me and said: "Remember, you participated in the same event with us?" I ask: "Which one?" - "Do you remember," he says, "we killed one Azerbaijani?" I snapped: "I didn't kill any Azerbaijanis with you." - "Well, of course, - he was even confused, - we beat him up in the police station."
What about Gusak himself? What was behind him?
Gusak has always had a "cool" reputation. He himself wrote in a report to Kovalev: "My subordinates are thugs in the good sense of the word." But what exactly was behind him - then I did not know. It was clear in general terms. There were all sorts of rumors. One day, an employee of Gusak Gorshkov came and began to ask me to join the group. Gorshkov used to serve in the police, in the MORNING and OBKhSS. “You know,” he said, “they’re crazy, I’m afraid. They kill people. I can do?"
The specific story, thanks to which Husak received the seventh department, became known to me later, when we were already in conflict with the leadership. Gusak took five people - Dagestanis - into the forest, to the Podolsk region, and shot them. In addition to Gusak, Alyoshin and Bavdey participated in this operation.
I found out about this by chance, when we were already out of state: Gusak lost his nerve, and he blabbed to my wife while drunk, how they took five people out and shot them. "You understand," he said, "if this fact comes to light..." He seemed to be worried.
I said to Bavdey: “Borya, Gusak told my wife that you shot several people.” Boris was frightened: “Has he gone crazy? Is it possible to say this to someone? I knew that with this fool we would go to jail."
Started checking. I talked with Shebalin, Ponkin, and other employees. Everyone was surprised - what did you not know? After our complaint to the prosecutor's office, the department was waiting for a search, and Gusak had an unregistered "burned" weapon in his safe, as well as bloodied passports of these Dagestanis. Gusak ordered to destroy everything. Ponkin and Shebalin took the documents somewhere, and another officer, Captain Nightingale, hid the weapons. Later, the prosecutor's office seized one pistol from this lot from the safe of Shevchuk, a former employee of our department. Now he serves in the Moscow Administration. Investigator Barsukov interrogated me on this fact.
Did Auto instruct Gusak to remove these Dagestanis?
That is, the higher authorities knew about this story?
Of course she knew. Later, when the prosecutor's office dealt with the URPO on our application, Gusak told me: "You know, I had a conversation with Kovalev, and he asked: - Why is Litvinenko twitching? Did he go with you to shoot those Dagestanis?" I replied that you were not there. Kovalev asked: “Where was he? How-nowhere? And he ended up in the URPO ?!
That's all. They thought I was "somewhere". They could not even imagine that I was not dirty. Passed through the blood.
But if there had been blood, they would have remembered it, and I certainly would not have left Lefortovo. After all, they checked all my affairs for ten years and did not find anything more serious than accusing me of having once hit an arrested bandit, giving him a bruise "the size of a penny." But in this case, the court acquitted me!
And why were the Dagestanis killed?
Here is how it was. The son of the former KGB chairman Semichastny had a business firm that owed money to someone. The Dagestanis, as I understand it, were hired to beat him out of money. Semichastny Jr. complained to his dad, who went to Kovalev and asked for help. Kovalev called Gusak, ordered to sort it out: "Go to Mironov, let him issue it."
Gusak then, like me, served in the OU ATC, and he and Mironov framed this attack as a threat of a terrorist act against Semichastny-father. I don’t know what happened there, but Gusak went to the showdown, and it ended with five corpses.
Order for an oligarch
Your epiphany came at the moment when you were ordered to kill Berezovsky, not Petrov, not Sidorov, but Berezovsky. I think this is the most delicate point. Berezovsky had a motive to fabricate this whole story. Like, you "saw the light" and began to "expose" the special services on his order.
Not true. In addition to Berezovsky, there were two more cases about which we gave evidence to the prosecutor's office and then spoke at a press conference. But Berezovsky is the loudest surname of the three, and others simply did not pay attention. For example, does the surname Trepashkin say anything to you?
Trepashkin?
In the autumn of 1997, when we had just moved to the URPO, the head of my department, Gusak, approached me and said: - There is such a Trepashkin, we need to find him. He former employee The FSB, did not pass the certificate and goes to bomb vodka kiosks, receives money. We need to take that license away." I say: "Good. Where does he work?" Gusak replies: in the tax police. I was surprised: "How is it in the tax police? And no one can find him? And who does he work there?" - "Head of the Investigation Department."
Sasha, - I say, - doesn't it seem funny to you that the head of the investigative department of the Tax Police of the Moscow Region bombs vodka kiosks with an FSB certificate? If you extort, it is better with a tax police certificate. You can take it not from kiosks, but from vodka factories. And why doesn't he give up his license? He also has a boss who can order him to hand over his FSB ID.
Gusak hesitated: “Sasha, this is a delicate issue, I didn’t want to tell you. Trepashkin filed a lawsuit against the management, against Kovalev, and he personally asked to deal with him.” - "How to figure it out?" - "Well, in short, Sasha, he needs to shut his mouth. He went to the newspaper, gave an interview, he needs to throw something up or put him down."
We went down to the personnel department. They showed me a personal file, a photograph where he was still young, in the rank of senior lieutenant ... A nice, pleasant face. Trepashkin, it turns out, worked for more than ten years in the Investigation Department of the KGB of the USSR. He rose to the rank of almost the head of the investigative department.
I say: "Listen, throw a gun to the investigator, what are you laughing at? He will immediately ruin the case." Gusak agreed: “Yes, I think so too. You know what, let’s just star him, and that’s it. Why bother with him? in no case did they find out that we were from the FSB."
San, you understand, he told the court, - Gusak's stubbornness amazed me.
He is also a person specially protected by the state. If anyone finds out what we did to him, what will happen to us? They also have the Office of their own security.
Listen, - Husak lost his patience, - everything is under control there. And in general, do you understand why we were all transferred here? What do you not understand? We are a bespoke department. We have a duty to solve leadership problems. Do you realize what an honor we've been given? And you ask questions. Come on, think. I give you Shcheglov, Shebalin and Ponkin to help you.
There is nothing to do, I began to develop Trepashkin. Study his case, find out his circle, talk to people, etc. And the more I learned about him, the more I liked him. And I decided that I would not "deal" with him, somehow I would bury the task, let it go on the brakes.
Later, when I met Trepashkin, he told me what had happened to him. While working for the FSB, he exposed a Chechen group that was downplayed by extortion, murder and trafficking weapons. And without understanding the "subtleties" of the case, he detained a plane with weapons, which was illegally sent to Chechnya. And behind these supplies was someone at the top. They kicked him out.
Trepashkin wrote a statement to Yeltsin, went to court, went to the newspaper. In connection with this interview, even the FSB board was assembled, they decided what to do, how to shut his mouth. Materials were fabricated that Trepashkin extorted money from a certain citizen Pisyakov. They found some person, brought him to Moscow from St. Petersburg, began to prove. Then they tried to fabricate materials that he divulged information constituting a state secret. It turns out that the state secret is that Trepashkin is a former lieutenant colonel of the special services. Trepashkin still won the process.
Was it the request to deal with Trepashkin that caused your first doubts?
Yes. I then told Husak that this was a complicated matter, it was not clear where it could lead, and I needed time to figure everything out. And he got off. And I thought.
And a couple of weeks later, again. We were given the task of kidnapping the famous businessman Umar Dzhabrailov in order to rescue our officers from Chechen captivity ... That's it, in plain text.
Officially ordered to kidnap Dzhabrailov?
Yes, to get money for him and ransom the officers. Without money, no one will change Dzhabrailov for officers.
Who set such a task?
Management guide. General Khokholkov and his deputy Makarychev.
Have you heard with your own ears?
Here is how it was. I've been doing a lot of hostage hunting. He even developed an entire system and was generally considered a specialist. And somehow Gusak invited me to the office where the meeting was going on. Bavdey, Gusak, Ponkin, Shebalin and Shcheglov were present.
Goose asked:
Sasha, how to steal a person without being found? I was surprised:
And what, are you going to steal someone?
That's when Gusak said that he was given the task of kidnapping Dzhabrailov.
Dzhabrailov's phone was tapped. It was under surveillance. Established his location. This was done by Ponkin. He had the entire selection on Dzhabrailov. He also suggested that it would be better to kidnap not Umar, but his younger brother Hussein. According to Chechen customs, a brother will always pay for a younger brother. And kidnapping is easier - Dzhabrailov himself is guarded by the police hired by him.
I explained to them how to kidnap a person without getting caught. I recalled cases when our search came to a standstill and did not produce results.
The one who kidnaps a person should not know where he will be hidden. Those who guard should not have contact with those who extort money. I know that in this case, neither the police nor my colleagues will ever detain a person who extorts money until they establish exactly where the hostage is. Therefore, he said that if the hostage is in one place, and the one who extorts money is in another and never leads to the hostage (he just does not know where he is), then he will never be detained, otherwise the hostage will be killed.
In a word, if the security services take a hostage, then it is practically impossible to find him, since they know all the intricacies of this case? And most importantly, they know who will look for them.
Yes, of course, it is impossible to find him, even if the one who extorts money is detained. The special services will pull out their own, and the hostage will die. In addition, I recommended Gusak to hold the event together with the third department of RUOP. Because this unit was engaged in the release of hostages at that time in Moscow. They specialized in applicants and hostages. It is clear that only this department will look for him. And we need to work together: to introduce your person there. We will have an operative who fully controls the course of the search.
So you practically helped develop the crime?
Yes, I helped develop the crime, which I regret and which I later reported to the prosecutor's office. Fortunately, it did not take place. I do not hide: at the direction of my leadership, I explained how to do it all. Later, I attended another meeting, when employees of the security department came to us - they, in fact, were supposed to carry out the abduction according to our development. The abduction was supposed to take place during the concert of Makhmud Esambaev, to which Dzhabrailov was invited. This became known when listening to his telephone conversations.
The law enforcement officers ask:
The police guard him. What to do with her? They are with machine guns. Management said:
Bring down the cops. There was nothing to protect this Chechen.
Was the order oral or written?
Oral, of course. Who gives such written orders?
Kidnap a person and bring down the cops who protect him?
Yes. Moreover, there was another trick in the kidnapping of Umar. Khokholkov said that he is now suspected of the murder of American Paul Tatum. And he has a relative who wants revenge. We will steal Umar, we will get money. And when searching for the main version, we will work out - the revenge of the American.
By the way, as I found out later, Paul Tatum was also killed by the special services - Gusak told me about this while drinking.
But the security department refused to kidnap Dzhabrailov. They demanded money up front! They explained that once a person had already been kidnapped by order of the leadership, brought to our gym, and he sat there for three days, handcuffed to the battery. They went on a business trip for this operation, and they were promised to be paid. But no one has written out "travel allowances". Kamyshnikov arrived, took the hostage and did not pay. That's why they said money first. And they left.
And when did you first hear about the order for Berezovsky?
On December 27, 1997, we held an event to detain members of a criminal group consisting of police officers. Two were detained, and it was necessary to arrest two more. We almost got them, but then ... At about nine in the morning, I reported the situation to Husak. Soon the duty officer called me back and asked me to contact Kamyshnikov, who at that time was in charge of management. He ordered to urgently turn everything off. I tried to explain that the two criminals were still at large, that if we did not detain them by Monday (it was Saturday), they would either hide or destroy the physical evidence. But Kamyshnikov doesn't care: "I'm ordering you to finish everything and return to management."
We returned to the administration, Kamyshnikov invited the whole group to the cut binet. Me, Colonel Shebalin, Major Ponkin and Senior Lieutenant Latyshenok. And said, "You guys are minding your own business."
I tried to object:
How not to yours? My employees of the SOBR of the Moscow RUOP are actually taking hostages, extorting! My very business.
We already had unconfirmed information that they both killed and blew up. We have collected evidence, and we are being hindered. But Kamyshnikov oppresses his own:
There is a criminal investigation, they have a lot of people there, let them do it. And we are only eighty people in management, we have other tasks.
And Kamyshnikov briefly explained what these tasks were. He showed a book by Sudoplatov, the famous head of the terrorist department under Stalin. He slapped the book and said, “This is what we have to do. You are a team, you know each other, you are well matched. We need such people. Therefore, do not swear, live like spiders in a jar. We need to be friends, be together and solve problems. Do you understand what a team is?
Further, he began to develop the idea that we are selected men, and our team is obliged to solve the problems of the government and the top leadership of the FSB. Therefore, we are provided with everything - we have our own surveillance, our own equipment - everything is our own. This was done due to increased secrecy, no one knows anything about us even inside the FSB. We are top secret. And they have to perform special tasks.
Ponkin answered him that we had prepared everything according to Dzhabrailov, but the law enforcement department refused, and therefore our event fell through. Kamyshnikov waved it off: "Continue the event. Dzhabrailov must be stolen anyway."
And then he set a new task: “There are still people who cannot be reached. They have accumulated a lot of money, and it is impossible to get to them by legal means. They will always pay off and avoid criminal liability. And these people cause great damage to the state. Here you are, Litvinenko Do you know Berezovsky? You must liquidate him."
I sit, I am silent. What do you say? Berezovsky at that time was an adviser to Yeltsin, famous politician. In principle, his murder is an act of terrorism. By order of the FSB, with such statements, people are taken into development until it becomes clear whether there is real ground under these words or not. Therefore, when Kamyshnikov said that I needed to kill Berezovsky, I kept silent. He got up from the table, approached me, bent slightly and repeated:
You know Berezovsky - you will remove him. I pointed to the ceiling, saying that it was suddenly bugged, and tapped on my temple - think that you are talking indoors.
And you didn't react at all?
What was I supposed to do? If I say, for example: “Understood, Alexander Petrovich, I’m ready,” Kamyshnikov would record me on tape, and someone else would slam him ... They would take the tape, take it to the investigation and say: Kamyshnikov was joking, but this fool took and killed. Right?
I’ll jump ahead a little: when the prosecutor’s office dealt with this fact and I had a confrontation with Kamyshnikov, the investigator suggested that we ask each other questions. I asked: "Alexander Petrovich, did you give the command to kill Berezovsky?" Kamyshnikov: "I refuse to answer this question." He referred to Article 51 of the Constitution, which says that a person has the right to remain silent if his words can be used against him. I asked another question: "Did the conversation about Berezovsky go on during this meeting?" Kamyshnikov again referred to the same article of the Constitution.
After the meeting, we left the office. Everyone was shocked. Let's go to Gusak (that day he was at home). They came and told everything. And Gusak says: "Why are you surprised?" It turns out that in November of this year, Khokholkov also gave him the command to prepare for the liquidation of Berezovsky.
"I have been ordered to kill you"
Before making a final decision, my subordinates and I gathered in my office and began to think about what to do. We had three paths.
The first is to start preparing for the assassination. I said, "We are being dragged into banditry." And if we start killing, no one will touch us. We will calmly deal with "roofs", earn big money. As they say, everyone - to the extent of his depravity. I will not say that everyone in the FSB is engaged in extortion without exception. But here everyone must be approached individually ... anything can happen. But killing people? Cold-blooded, on orders from the boss? Then we are bandits, and he is a godfather. As soon as we kill the first one, there will be no turning back.
The second way is to speak out, to declare it openly. And then - I don't know what will happen then. Maybe they'll jail you, maybe they'll kill you, maybe they'll leave you alone. I do not know, but nothing good shines for us.
And the third way - not to say a word to the poor, to quietly move away from everything and try to move to other units. By the way, at the same time I went to where I served before, to the head of the department Kolesnikov and the deputy head of the department Mironov, and asked to be taken back. They told me: "Who will let you leave?" And they chuckled.
Then I realized that I was already stigmatized. They don't take me anywhere anymore, like from a gang.
And then we decided...
Weren't you afraid that your meeting would be listened to?
Why be afraid? If more than two people gather and the authorities want to know about it, they will find out anyway.
Yes, this was not a meeting, but rather a male conversation. By the way, I still hoped that someone would go and tell the authorities, or there would be a simpleton, and they would simply disperse us. Quietly, silently, they will scatter them into different divisions, and that's it, and they will forget. But this did not happen.
And who then participated in this conversation?
Ponkin, Latyshenok, Shcheglov.
And Gusak and Shebalin?
There were none. By the way, they are not subordinates to me: Gusak is my immediate supervisor, and Shebalin, like me, is his deputy.
So, my guys and I decided that we would not kill anyone, but we'll see. Come what may. And Ponkin said: “Sasha, I must tell Abramych. It's a pity for him - I saw him on TV, a normal man. I know our guys. I know what they are doing. And if they decide to bang Abramych, then they will bang.
Before telling this to Berezovsky, I was going to talk to Kovalyov after all. I didn't want to think that he knew about it and was actually an accomplice. I tried several times to get in touch with him, but failed. Previously, I could get to him, but this time - for some reason, not. Maybe Kovalev did not want to meet with me on purpose? If a subordinate reports something to the boss, he becomes a hostage to this information and must take action. And so - did not know, did not hear.
Is there any way to send it in writing?
Who transfers such things through third parties? I didn’t want to speak openly with Kovalev in the office at all. I wanted to write on paper, personally give it so that I could read it.
You do not rule out that even the office of the director of the FSB is tapped?
I know he auditioned FAPSI. The personal meeting was important because I wanted to look Kovalev in the eyes. By the eyes, by the facial expression, by the behavior, by the reaction of a person, one can understand whether he knows or not.
Unable to get through to Kovalyov, I decided to have a conversation with Berezovsky. I should have warned him. I believe that every law enforcement officer should save people's lives by any means. I didn't see any other way at the time.
I called and found out that Boris Abramovich was in the hospital. They said on TV that he hurt himself while riding a snowmobile. I never managed to talk to him - he flew to Switzerland for treatment.
Only somewhere in March, two days before Chernomyrdin's dismissal, on Saturday I came to Berezovsky's dacha. And he said: "Boris Abramovich, I was ordered to kill you." He says, “Are you out of your mind? Okay, don't joke." And he looks at me like I'm an idiot. “This is serious,” I said. And he told everything.
Will your friends confirm this? - he asked.
I don't know, I didn't ask. But I think they will.
He said: “I'm going to the Attorney General. Right tomorrow."
I do not advise you to go to him. Skuratov is a former KGB officer. Whatever Kovalyov tells him, he will do, - I began to dissuade him.
And what do you propose?
Go to Kovalev. Why noise? What is our task - to make noise or to keep you alive? And urgently check who is behind this order. - I was sure that Kamyshnikov himself did not need Berezovsky for nothing. - Our task is to establish who instructed Kamyshnikov. Either he acts on instructions from the leadership, or this is a left order, for money.
You just had to clarify - is it a left order or a state one?
This was important to understand in order to respond. And I insisted on a visit to Kovalev.
Can you be referenced? Berezovsky asked. - Of course, but how? If you don't refer to me, how did you know? How will the director give a command to the Office of Homeland Security if there is no source?
A few days later, Berezovsky came to Kovalev, and literally an hour later he called me to his place. He was sitting in a leather coat at the table, apparently in a hurry somewhere, it was Friday. And he says: "I had Berezovsky and told me about the order to kill him, is that true?" I replied, "Yes, it's true."
Even before Berezovsky went to Kovalyov, I talked with Shebalin and Ponkin - are they ready to confirm all this? They agreed. The three of us came to Berezovsky and confirmed everything.
Stop. Shebalin is a senior officer, just like you. And you didn't obey. So?
Yes sir. But he was at the meeting on December 27 and heard Kamyshnikov's order. So I came to him, and he agreed.
Our conversation with Berezovsky was recorded on tape. For what? Maybe it's not good, but I said to Berezovsky: "Record all this with a hidden camera." Because I knew that if a serious showdown starts, people will be put under pressure, and they will refuse. I believe that I am clean in front of everyone, because I myself was in the frame.
Then it all happened - the guys started to put pressure. Ponkin told me: "You have your own life, I have mine." Shebalin just started to lie. (And on the tape, everyone said directly that the FSB has turned into a gang, is engaged in custom-made cases.)
And now Kovalev asks: "Did you definitely hear it, or maybe he was joking?"
I was not alone, - I say, - and no one took it for a joke.
Then Kovalev didn’t take a report from me, nothing: “Okay, go. Then we’ll meet and talk .. On Wednesday, he called me at home (I was sick): “Can you come to me?” I suggested: "Let's not come alone, but with everyone else who was. It's possible, and Gusak will come, Khokholkov also gave him such a command."
We came to Kovalyov's office: I, Gusak, Latyshenok, Ponkin and Shebalin, and told everything. Kovalev asked several times: “Did you record it on a dictaphone or did you not record it? These things need to be recorded."
Didn't you tell him that Berezovsky made a videotape?
No, I could not predict the response. I already felt as if on a battle path and moved with caution. I didn't tell anyone about the film. Even in court. Because I knew that everything can be destroyed. Now I understand that I was right.
Kovalyov asked: "What do you propose?" And then I said:
It is necessary that the Department of Internal Security take Kamyshnikov into development and check Khokholkov. Find out who is behind it. After all, they themselves have no motive. Second: I propose to repeat the conversation with Kamyshnikov. But I can come and say: “Here I am, in principle, ripe and ready.” And we will document it.
Kovalev was afraid that Berezovsky would raise a scandal. I say - he will not arrange any scandal. He does not need noise, but safety. And in order to understand all this objectively.
Then Kovalev asked everyone to leave, and Gusak to stay. And ten minutes later he came out and said that the director asked to forget about everything and abandon this idea. Otherwise, everyone will have big problems, because it is impossible to discredit the special services.
The director is very unhappy that you told Berezovsky everything. He said that this was a betrayal of the interests of the special services. He went and gave everything to a stranger.
I was taken aback:
The betrayal is that the secret services wanted to kill Berezovsky.
Well, you understand, - Gusak mumbled, - we hold many different events, you can’t tell an outsider about everything. As if the victims are outsiders.
Do you know what "various activities" Gusak participated in? Did you mention the liquidation of Tatum?
I learned about Teitum later, when the investigation began. When people began to refuse their testimony, they got scared. And most of all - Gusk. And then I asked: "Sanya, what are you afraid of?"
You understand people go missing. Do you understand that I'm finished? - He was in a panic. - It is necessary to hush it all up, to refuse evidence, so that there is no investigation.
The next day, as I learned, Kovalev invited Khokholkov to his place, and for half a day they deliberated about something. On that day, my phone was put under control. And with regard to Husak, an official investigation was launched.
You haven't taken any action yet. Why started an investigation?
I think they started to press for warning. And prepare Gusak for the role of the last one, "just in case. Or both. The reason for the official investigation was the fact that at one time the deputy head of the department, Major General Makarychev, ordered Gusak to destroy vodka kiosks in one of the cities near Moscow. Makarychev was engaged in illegal supply of leftist vodka from Kabardino-Balkaria, and some competitors interfered with his company. It was necessary to suppress them, and he gave the command to Gusak. He formulated the task as follows: these people are connected with Chechen fighters, and the money received goes to Chechnya. This is usually done : they wrote that such and such a company should be destroyed, since it is used by Chechen fighters to earn money for terrorism.And they smash the company as a money channel for Chechen fighters.
And they appointed an official investigation in connection with the fact that Gusak handed over these materials on vodka to the Main Department of Internal Affairs of the Moscow Region. They reduced everything to the fact that Husak gave the police information constituting a state secret.
How can vodka kiosks be a state secret?
They finance the militants - this is a state secret. Gusak was indignant - what information, what a secret! Ordinary vodka stalls ... And in the evening he was called to Khokholkov. Soon he called me and said:
Khokholkov asks you to come. We need to resolve the issue with Abramych so that there is no noise.” I asked: "How did Khokholkov know about this? Sasha, after all, the director said - not a word to anyone."
Gusak answered that he would call back and hung up. Then I called the director of the FSB on operational communications: "Nikolai Dmitrievich ..."
By operative communication? What it is?
There is a special connection, operational - closed, frequency.
Is it connected right away?
There you connect through the attendant. But it is closed, you can say whatever you want, it is impossible to listen to it.
Even the secret services?
Secret services can listen, but outsiders can't. FAPSI can eavesdrop... I said to Kovalev: Nikolai Dmitrievich, we had a conversation. You promised that the Department of Internal Security would start studying Kamyshnikov and Khokholkov about their intentions towards Berezovsky. But it must be an underhand job. You asked not to tell anyone. And how does Khokholkov know about this?
Kovalev replies: “Now I’ll find out how he got to know, I didn’t tell him.” Five minutes later, he himself called back: “It was Gusak who said it. Don't go to Khokholkov."
About thirty minutes later, Gusak arrived at the department, I asked him: "Sasha, why did you tell Khokholkov about the conversation with Kovalev? After all, there was an order from the director, and you gave out information to the object of the Department of Internal Security that they were working on him, this is a betrayal." Gusak answered: “Kovalev himself told him about this. And Khokholkov told me: "Sasha, you have to cover the director." It was evident that he realized that if there was a scandal, then they would make him an “extreme”.
I realized that Gusak was telling the truth and that Kovalyov was lying. Covers traces. As a professional, as an opera, I realized that I was dealing with criminals. It then became clear to me that the order was not "from the left", but came from above. And what did Kovalev know about him? Otherwise, he would have taken care of everything.
Then I realized that a real danger hung over Berezovsky, and over me, and over my subordinates. I called Berezovsky and said: "Boris Abramovich, we have been betrayed." And I told him that Kovalyov informed Khokholkov about everything, and now they will begin to deal with us.
You were not afraid of wiretapping again?
What was there to be afraid of? I already went with an open visor.
Did you call directly from the office?
No, from home.
But your phone was tapped?
Yes. I already knew that my phone was tapped. But I didn't think about it. Not because I had nowhere to retreat. There is always a loophole. Go to Kovalev, fall on your knees... They would send me somewhere to the city department of the Moscow Administration for three years. But I decided to go all the way.
I was deeply offended that we were being betrayed. And before that we were betrayed, but - small fry. And then I knew that they were betraying at the very top. It turns out that all of us, operatives, are pawns and fools. We risk our lives day and night, they shoot at us, they attack us, and the authorities take us for idiots. They are rowing money and do not care about the state, security and crime.
I called Berezovsky, we met. He said: "I was at the first deputy head of the presidential administration, Savostyanov, and he asked you to come to him."
Sakharov Andrei Dmitrievich - academician, human rights activist, laureate Nobel Prize peace.
Svistunov Vadim Osipovich - the lawyer of the author of the book.
Seleznev Gennady Nikolaevich - deputy from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, chairman State Duma RF (since 2000).
Semenyuk Vadim Sergeevich - Deputy. Head of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for Moscow and the Moscow Region, Major General.
Sergeev Gennady Nikolaevich - Hero of Russia, officer of the Alpha group, died during the storming of the Government House in 1993.
Simaev Vladimir - assistant to the head of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation for security, colonel.
Sinitsa - "fashion designer", employee of the GRU of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation
Skryabin Alexey - head of the 7th department of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, honorary officer of the State Security, lieutenant colonel.
Skuratov Yuri Ilyich - Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation (1995-1999)
Blind - the nickname of the thief in law
Smirnov - deputy. Head of the Personnel Department of the FSB of the Russian Federation, Lieutenant General.
Smorodinsky Viktor - agent of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
Sobolev Valentin Alekseevich - First Deputy. Director of the FSB, Colonel General.
Sobchak Anatoly Alexandrovich - politician of the Russian Federation, former mayor of St. Petersburg, "mentor" of V.V. Putin. Died of heart failure under dubious circumstances on February 20, 2000.
Nightingale - senior detective of the 7th department of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, captain.
Solovyov Evgeny Borisovich - Deputy. Director of the FSB of the Russian Federation, Colonel General.
Solonik Alexander - criminal nickname Macedonian, hired killer, Kurgan organized criminal group.
Soskovets Oleg Nikolaevich - First Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation (1993-1996).
Starovoitov Alexander Vladimirovich - Head of the FAPSI of the Russian Federation, General of the Army.
Starovoitova Galina Vasilievna - politician, founder of the movement "Democratic Russia", killed by unknown people in the entrance of her house on November 20, 1998; the crime has not been solved.
Stepashin Sergey Vadimovich - Director of the Federal Grid Company of the Russian Federation (1994-1995), Minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (1998), Chairman of the Government (1999), Chairman of the Accounts Chamber of the Russian Federation (since 2000), Colonel General.
Streletsky Valery Andreevich - head of department "P" of the Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation, colonel.
Subbotin Sergey Dmitrievich - head of the UEC department of the FSB of the Russian Federation, colonel.
Sudoplatov Pavel Anatolyevich - head of the Terrorist Directorate in the NKVD / MGB until 1953; in 1953 he was convicted in the Beria case for 15 years, rehabilitated in 1992, general of the NKVD of the USSR.
Suntsov Mikhail Vasilievich - head of the Operational Investigation Bureau of the RUOP of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia.
Surkov Vladislav Yurievich - assistant. Head of the Operational Directorate of the ATC of the FSB of the Russian Federation, Colonel.
Taiwanchik is the nickname of Alimzhan (Alik) Tokhtakhunov, an Uzbek criminal authority, Gafur's representative in Europe.
Tarpishchev Shamil Anvyarovich - tennis player, Minister of Sports of the Russian Federation (1993-1996)
Tatum Paul - businessman, co-owner of the Radison-Slavyanskaya hotel, US citizen, killed in Moscow on November 3, 1996; the crime has not been solved.
Trepashkin Mikhail - head of the investigative department of the Tax Police Department of the Moscow Region, former investigator of the FSB of the Russian Federation, colonel, participant in a press conference on November 17, 1998.
Trofimov Anatoly Vasilyevich - Deputy. Director of the FSB of the Russian Federation, Colonel General.
Trubnikov Vyacheslav Ivanovich - Head of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia, General of the Army.
At
Umar Pasha is a senior operative officer of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, an ethnic Chechen, a participant in the operation to kill Dudayev, a colonel.
Usmanov Alisher is a businessman.
Ustinov Vladimir Vasilievich - Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation (since 2000).
Duckling - the criminal nickname of the leader of the Ukhta OPT.
F
Fedorov Vladimir Alexandrovich - head of the traffic police of Russia, lieutenant general of militia.
Fedotov Andrey - senior detective of the 4th department of the Criminal Investigation Department of the Main Directorate of Internal Affairs of Moscow, police major.
Felshtinsky Yuri Georgievich - US citizen, Doctor of Historical Sciences.
Filatov Sergey - head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation.
Filippov Valery - deputy. Head of the Department of Economic Counterintelligence of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Kostroma Region.
Filippov Vladimir Mikhailovich - Minister of Education of the Russian Federation (since 1998)
X
Kharchenko Vladimir - driver of the car in commercial firm, who slandered the author of the book.
Khattab (Khabib Abdul Rahman) - Arab militant, one of the leaders of the Wahhabis in Chechnya, was killed in 2002.
Khinshtein Alexander Evseevich - journalist of the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, FSB agent.
Khlebnikov Paul - journalist, author of the book "Godfather of the Kremlin", US citizen.
Kholodov Dmitry Yuryevich - journalist of the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, died on October 17, 1994 as a result of an explosion of a mined "diplomat" in the editorial office. A group of officers of the Airborne Forces was accused of the attempt, but they were fully acquitted by the court in June 2002.
Hokholyyuv Evgeny G. - head of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, major general.
C
Tskhai Vladimir Ilyich - Deputy. head of the Criminal Investigation Directorate of the Main Department of Internal Affairs of Moscow, police colonel, died in 1999.
H
Chekulin Nikita Sergeevich - Deputy. Director of the Research Institute "Rosconversvzryvtsentr".
Boris Chernogorov is a Russian FSB major who attacked Trepashkin at the direction of the FSB leadership.
Chernomyrdin Viktor Stepanovich - Prime Minister of the Russian Federation (1992-1998), Ambassador of the Russian Federation to Ukraine.
Cherny Mikhail Semyonovich - businessman, participant in the privatization of the aluminum industry.
Chubais Anatoly Borisovich - Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation (1992-1996, 1997-1998), Head of Yeltsin's campaign headquarters (1996), head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation (1996-1997), head of RAO UES (since 1998), reformer, political figure.
Shatskikh - an officer of the Alpha group, died during the storming of the TV tower in Vilnius.
Shebalin Victor V. - Deputy Head of the 7th Department of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, was a member of the group for the assassination of D. Dudayev (President of Chechnya), participant in a press conference on November 17, 1998 ("man in a mask"), Colonel.
Eduard Amvrosievich Shevardnadze - President of Georgia.
Shevchuk Nikolai - senior detective of the 7th burial service of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, captain.
SCH
Shcheglov German - senior detective of the 7th burial service of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, major, participant in a press conference on November 17, 1998,
Shchekochikhin Yury Petrovich - Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the Yabloko faction.
Shchelenkov Andrey - employee of the company "Lanaco", captain.
Shcherbakov Mikhail - head of the 6th department of the OU ATC of the FSB of the Russian Federation, colonel.
E
Edigov Musa is the bodyguard of Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev.
Elsultanov Shiraii - Investigator of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation.
Esambaev Makhmud Alisultanoich - dancer, one of the leaders of the Chechen community in Moscow.
YU
Yuzbashev Okop Veniaminovich - businessman.
Yuzbashev Genrikh Veniaminovich - businessman, confidant of the author of the book, killed.
Yumashev Valentin - gene. director of the Ogonyok publishing house (1995-1996), head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation (1997-1999), son-in-law of President Yeltsin.
Yumashkin Alexey A. - FSB officer for Moscow and the Moscow region, major.
Yurshevich - head of the SOBR of the Moscow RUOP, police colonel.
Yushenkov Sergey Nikolaevich - State Duma deputy, one of the leaders of the Liberal Russia party.
I
Yablochkin Alexander - senior detective of the 3rd department of the UEC of the FSB of the Russian Federation, captain.
Yakovlev - deputy. chief military prosecutor, lieutenant general of justice.
Yaponchik - Vyacheslav Kirillovich Ivankov, a thief in law, is serving a term in the United States.
Yastrzhembsky Sergey Vladimirovich - former ambassador Russian Federation in Slovakia, press secretary of B. N. Yeltsin (1996-1998), assistant to President Putin on the Chechen issue (since 2000).
Annex 3 Abbreviations
"Alpha" - Antiterrorist group of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
ATC - Antiterrorist Center of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
VChK - All-Russian Extraordinary Commission.
GVP - Chief Military Prosecutor's Office.
GRU General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation - Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation.
GUVD - Main Department of Internal Affairs.
GUIN - Main Directorate for the Execution of Punishments.
GUOP - Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime.
DBT - Department of Combating Terrorism of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
KGB - State Security Committee of the USSR.
Communist Party - communist party Russian Federation.
LDPR - Liberal Democratic Party of Russia.
MB - Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation.
Ministry of Internal Affairs - Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation
MUR - Moscow criminal investigation department.
MChS - Ministry of Emergency Situations of the Russian Federation.
NKVD - People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
OBKhSS - department for combating the theft of socialist property.
Department of Internal Affairs - especially important matters.
OVKR - department of military counterintelligence.
OMON is a special police unit.
The UN is a special forces unit.
OPT is an organized criminal group.
ORU - Operational and Investigative Directorate.
OS - Operational management.
ROVD - regional departments of internal affairs
RUOP - Regional Office for Combating Organized Crime of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
Security Council of the Russian Federation - Security Council of the Russian Federation.
SEL - Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation.
SVR - Service foreign intelligence Russian Federation.
SIZO - pre-trial detention center.
SOBR - special squad quick response.
UBKK - Office for Combating Smuggling and Corruption.
UBT - Office for Combating Terrorism.
UVKR - Department of Military Counterintelligence.
UOTM - Department of Operational and Technical Measures.
URPO - Department for the development and suppression of the activities of criminal organizations of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
CSS - Management of own security.
UUR - Criminal Investigation Department.
UFSB - Directorate of the FSB (territorial).
UEC - Office of Economic Counterintelligence.
FAPSI is the federal government communication and information service of the Russian Federation.
FSB - Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation.
FSK - Federal Counterintelligence Service of the Russian Federation.
FSNP - Federal Tax Police Service of the Russian Federation.
FSO - Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation.
TsOS - Center for Public Communications of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
CHOP is a private security company.
Chekulin Nikita Sergeevich - Deputy. Director of the Research Institute "Rosconversvzryvtsentr".
Boris Chernogorov is a Russian FSB major who attacked Trepashkin at the direction of the FSB leadership.
Chernomyrdin Viktor Stepanovich - Prime Minister of the Russian Federation (1992–1998), Russian Ambassador to Ukraine
Cherny Mikhail Semyonovich - businessman, participant in the privatization of the aluminum industry.
Chubais Anatoly Borisovich - Deputy Prime Minister of the Government of the Russian Federation (1992-1996, 1997-1998), Head of Yeltsin's campaign headquarters (1996), head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation (1996-1997), head of RAO UES (since 1998), reformer, political figure.
Shatskikh - an officer of the Alpha group, died during the storming of the TV tower in Vilnius.
Shebalin Victor V. - Deputy Head of the 7th Department of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, was a member of the group for the assassination of D. Dudayev (President of Chechnya), participant in a press conference on November 17, 1998 ("man in a mask"), Colonel.
Eduard Amvrosievich Shevardnadze - President of Georgia.
Shevchuk Nikolai - senior detective of the 7th burial service of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, captain.
Shcheglov German - senior detective of the 7th burial service of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, major, participant in a press conference on November 17, 1998
Shchekochikhin Yury Petrovich - Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the Yabloko faction.
Shchelenkov Andrey - employee of the company "Lanaco", captain.
Shcherbakov Mikhail - head of the 6th department of the OU ATC of the FSB of the Russian Federation, colonel.
Edigov Musa is the bodyguard of Chechen President Dzhokhar Dudayev.
Elsultanov Shiraii - Investigator of the General Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation.
Esambaev Mahmud Alisultanoich - dancer, one of the leaders of the Chechen community in Moscow.
Yuzbashev Okop Veniaminovich - businessman.
Yuzbashev Genrikh Veniaminovich - businessman, confidant of the author of the book, killed.
Yumashev Valentin - gene. director of the Ogonyok publishing house (1995-1996), head of the Presidential Administration of the Russian Federation (1997-1999), son-in-law of President Yeltsin.
Yumashkin Alexey A. - FSB officer for Moscow and the Moscow region, major.
Yurshevich - head of the SOBR of the Moscow RUOP, police colonel.
Yushenkov Sergey Nikolaevich - State Duma deputy, one of the leaders of the Liberal Russia party.
Yablochkin Alexander - senior detective of the 3rd department of the UEC of the FSB of the Russian Federation, captain.
Yakovlev - deputy. chief military prosecutor, lieutenant general of justice.
Yaponchik - Vyacheslav Kirillovich Ivankov, a thief in law, is serving a term in the United States.
Yastrzhembsky Sergei Vladimirovich - former Russian ambassador to Slovakia, press secretary of B. N. Yeltsin (1996–1998), assistant to President Putin on the Chechen issue (since 2000).
Annex 3 Abbreviations
"Alpha" - Antiterrorist group of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
ATC - Antiterrorist Center of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
VChK - All-Russian Extraordinary Commission.
GVP - Chief Military Prosecutor's Office.
GRU General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation - Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation.
GUVD - Main Department of Internal Affairs.
GUIN - Main Directorate for the Execution of Punishments.
GUOP - Main Directorate for Combating Organized Crime.
DBT - Department of Combating Terrorism of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
KGB - State Security Committee of the USSR.
KPRF - Communist Party of the Russian Federation.
LDPR - Liberal Democratic Party of Russia.
MB - Ministry of Security of the Russian Federation.
Ministry of Internal Affairs - Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
MUR - Moscow criminal investigation department.
MChS - Ministry of Emergency Situations of the Russian Federation.
NKVD - People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR.
OBKhSS - department for combating the theft of socialist property.
Department of Internal Affairs - especially important matters.
OVKR - department of military counterintelligence.
OMON is a special police unit.
The UN is a special forces unit.
OPT is an organized criminal group.
ORU - Operational and Investigative Directorate.
OS - Operational management.
ROVD - regional departments of internal affairs.
RUOP - Regional Office for Combating Organized Crime of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.
Security Council of the Russian Federation - Security Council of the Russian Federation.
SEL - Security Service of the President of the Russian Federation.
SVR - Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation.
SIZO - pre-trial detention center.
SOBR is a special rapid response unit.
UBKK - Office for Combating Smuggling and Corruption.
UBT - Office for Combating Terrorism.
UVKR - Department of Military Counterintelligence.
UOTM - Department of Operational and Technical Measures.
URPO - Department for the development and suppression of the activities of criminal organizations of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
CSS - Management of own security.
UUR - Criminal Investigation Department.
UFSB - Directorate of the FSB (territorial).
UEC - Office of Economic Counterintelligence.
FAPSI is the federal government communication and information service of the Russian Federation.
FSB - Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation.
FSK - Federal Counterintelligence Service of the Russian Federation.
FSNP - Federal Tax Police Service of the Russian Federation.
FSO - Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation.
TsOS - Center for Public Communications of the FSB of the Russian Federation.
CHOP is a private security company.
The murderers of Dzhokhar Dudayev are preparing an assassination attempt on Aslan Maskhadov
(interview of the former officer of the FSB of the Russian Federation A. Litvinenko to the Chechenpress agency)
Alexander Valterovich, what do you know about the murder of the first president of the CRI, Dzhokhar Dudayev?
In 1995-1996. I served in the department for combating terrorism of the FSB of the Russian Federation. Together with Colonel Surkov, assistant to the head of the department, I worked on the operational case "SHEIKH". This case was conducted to develop Dudayev's close ties, Khamad Kurbanov was the object of the case, Roza Dzhabrailova and others were also involved in the case - in total about 40 people from Dudayev's inner circle.
As part of my work on this case, I repeatedly traveled to Nalchik, where I contacted General Makarychev (Minister of Security of the KBR) and General Eshugavov (Head of the RUOP Ministry of Internal Affairs). They were directly responsible for collecting information about Dudayev. That is, several operational cases were conducted against Dudayev's entourage, information from which the FSB leadership transmitted to the so-called. operational-combat groups, whose task was the direct elimination of Dudayev.
There were two of these groups - one under the leadership of Major General Yu.I. Yarovenko. and the second group under the leadership of the then colonel (currently major general) Khokholkov E.G. It was Khokholkov's group that managed to organize this murder, for which he received the rank of major general and the post of head of department. After the assassination of Dudayev, the URPO department was created specifically for Khokholkov (in the beginning it was called the Department of Advanced Programs, but when information about this department was leaked to the press, it was renamed the URPO - the Department for the Development and Suppression of the Activities of Criminal Organizations).
And what exactly did the URPO do?
In short, this department worked according to the so-called. "problem" principle: the leadership of the country or the leadership of the FSB has a problem and the administration solves it. Basically, the main problems that were put before us was the elimination of persons objectionable to the leadership.
If I understood you correctly, we are talking about the murders of persons objectionable to the Kremlin and the FSB?
Quite right.
Is it possible to give specific examples of such "problem solving"?
Please. Mikhail Trepashkin, a former FSB colonel, sued the director of the FSB for illegal dismissal, gave an interview in the Komsomolskaya Pravda newspaper, documented and handed over to the prosecutor's office materials on extortion of money from a Moscow resident by Patrushev and Pronichev (currently the commander border troops). For this, we were given the command to kill Trepashkin, since, according to our leadership, he betrayed the system.
The second example is Umar Dzhabrailov, a well-known businessman in Moscow. He was ordered to be kidnapped, ransomed, and then killed. Moreover, when the decision was made which of the businessmen to kidnap, the choice fell on Dzhabrailov because he is a Chechen.
The third example is Berezovsky. A rich man, a Jew, and even on all issues has his own opinion. This is, in short.
Why were these murders and kidnappings not carried out?
A "rebellion" began in the department, since the employees of the department, who were transferred to the department in 1997, categorically refused to engage in banditry and wrote a statement against their superiors to the prosecutor's office (all this is described in detail in the book "LPG", which can be read on the website http://www.compromat.ru/main/fsb/litvinenkolpg.htm).
Let's get back to the murder of Dzhokhar Dudayev. How exactly did this action take place, who took part in it?
As I have already said, Khokholkov's group managed to carry out this murder. The group included the deputy head of the Khasavyurt district department of the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation for the Republic of Dagestan, Colonel Umar Pasha (a Chechen by nationality), who provided conspiracy during meetings with agents in Chechnya, Captain 2nd rank Kamyshnikov A.P., Colonel Shebalin V .V., Colonel Antropov A.K., Colonel Sorochkin and others.
The press wrote that the US special services provided their Russian colleagues with high-precision missile guidance equipment. This is true?
Not really. Khokholkov, through his agent in the US intelligence services, managed to steal special equipment for aiming a rocket at a beam emanating from a satellite phone. This equipment was equipped with two aircraft of the GRU of the General Staff of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, which committed the murder of Dudayev. The pilot who directly launched the rocket received the title of Hero of Russia and a high position.
By the way, the money for the equipment stolen in the USA (in the amount of about 2 million dollars) was given to Khokholkov by A.I. Lebed, then secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation. He took this money, presumably from a fund headed by Falin (a former functionary of the Central Committee of the CPSU) and Egon Bahr (Brant's assistant). This fund is located in Germany, the money in it is the money of the CPSU.
It turns out that Alexander Lebed was directly involved in the preparation of the murder of Dzhokhar Dudayev?
Yes. These two million dollars were given by Lebed personally to Khokholkov, with whom he was on very good terms. The transfer of money took place in the premises of the association of veterans of the Vityaz team. One of the leaders of this association was Merzoyants, who was involved in the case of the explosion of the journalist of the Moskovsky Komsomolets newspaper, Dmitry Kholodov. Khokholkov maintained personal and business contacts with the Merzoyants group.
Were there any other participants in the murder of Dzhokhar Dudayev by the Chechens?
I will name one more person - Malik Saidulaev. In 1999, Viktor Shebalin, who was part of Khokholkov’s group for the murder of Dudayev, at the request of V. M. Aminov (a close connection between Putin, Patrushev and S. B. Ivanov), prepared a certificate for Aminov regarding Malik Saidulaev. Aminov needed this certificate because he was preparing a meeting between Putin and Ivanov with Saidulaev.
Malik Saidulaev, according to Shebalin, was very well known to him, since he had helped them even during the operation to kill Dudayev. According to Shebalin, Malik had his own people surrounded by Dudayev, through whom the liquidation group received the necessary information.
Provocateur Khanpash Terkibaev was seen surrounded by Malik Saidulaev. Information about the participation of the FSB agent Terkibayev in the seizure of the theater center on Dubrovka ("Nord-Ost"), which you handed over to Sergei Yushenkov, became, in your words, the reason for the murder of the deputy. What's going on in Russia: A conspiracy of secret services? "Quiet" coup?
I won't repeat all that I already wrote about the murder of Yushenkov. I will only say one thing: I declare that if in any country in a short time there are more than two murders of politicians who are in opposition to the authorities, then in the special services of this country there is a so-called. "death squadron", which kills people objectionable to him on the orders of the country's leadership. We are seeing this now in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus.
These people, I'm talking about the composition of the "death squadron", about people like Khokholkov, have no moral principles, they are ready for any crime. I write in detail about Khokholkov's connections with the Uzbek drug mafia and General Dostum, the main drug dealer in Afghanistan, in the book LPG. At least this fact speaks quite eloquently about the moral character of this man, Khokholkov. During the operation to assassinate Dudayev, Khokholkov embezzled about 1 million US dollars from the funds of the so-called. "article number 9", that is, money for operating expenses. Lieutenant General Volokh (former head of the Operational Directorate of the ATC of the FSB of the Russian Federation) refused to write off this money, for which he was exiled by a representative of the FSB of the Russian Federation to Sweden.
Do you know anything about the activities of this group in relation to the current leaders of the CRI?
At present, an operation is being carried out to assassinate Maskhadov. Of those who do this from the previous composition, are Sorochkin, Umar Pasha and Shebalin (he is now an officer of the so-called deep cover). Shebalin has extensive contacts in Dagestan, he conducted an operational case against the Khachilaev brothers and was one of the organizers of a provocation against them in Makhachkala in the late 90s.
Shebalin has repeatedly visited Dagestan and has agents there from local residents. According to operational data, he organized a number of explosions and contract killings there. Therefore, he is very afraid that he will be identified, and is not shown anywhere without a mask (interview with Khinshtein in the program " Secret materials"). In addition, Shebalin committed a number of crimes in Moscow, Ukraine and other regions of the former USSR.
Could you tell us about other employees of Khokholkov?
The personality of the former head of the personnel department of the FSB, Ovchinnikov, who later became Khokholkov's deputy, is quite remarkable. Ovchinnikov was involved in criminal cases of an explosion in the Baku metro, this information is available from Ramin Nagiyev, the investigator who conducted this case in Azerbaijan. Ramin Nagiyev and Colonel Trepashkin (I spoke about him above) have information that a group of terrorists who blew up the Baku metro was led by a certain Khatkovsky. And Khatkovsky's close connection was Ovchinnikov, the "right hand" of Khokholkov. I received the same information from V. E. Vitvinov, Colonel of the RF FSB Directorate of Security Service, who was conducting an operational case against the Khatkovsky terrorist group. In a word, in the investigation of the explosion of the Baku metro, all the threads led to the FSB of the Russian Federation.
You mentioned Khokholkov's connections with the "Uzbek mafia" ...
Khokholkov was transferred to Moscow in the early 90s from Uzbekistan, where he had unofficial connections with persons from mafia structures. He is a close connection of the Uzbek authorities "Gafur", "Salim", "Taiwanchik" (currently arrested by the US prosecutor's office, Khokholkov has been friends with him since childhood). Another of his childhood friends with whom he keeps in touch is Mikhail Cherny.
His connections in Moscow are Andrey Kokoshkin (former Deputy Minister of Defense, oversaw the military-industrial complex), Soskovets and his son (Soskovets's son is a drug addict), Shamil Tarpishchev ( former minister sports, nickname "Sham"), Korzhakov and Barsukov ( see chapter 4 "LPG" - "Uzbek trail"), Yastrzhembsky and others.
Khokholkov personally covered the drug traffic from Afghanistan from Dostum in transit through Uzbekistan to Russia, to the St. Petersburg seaport, which in those days, as now, was controlled by Putin's inner circle. Further, through the port of St. Petersburg, Dostum's drugs were transported to Western Europe usually in Spain.
According to operational data, Khokholkov, at the direction of Barsukov and Korzhakov, organized a number of high-profile contract killings.
What is the fate of Khokholkov in this moment, what does he do?
Khokholkov Evgeny Grigorievich, Major General, former head of the URPO of the FSB of the Russian Federation, is currently an assistant to the Minister of Sports of the Russian Federation (in the FSB he is listed as an active reserve officer in the Ministry of Sports, responsible for issuing casino licenses). Khokholkov is a very wealthy person. He has a mansion in the elite village of Nemchinovka, near Moscow, owns an expensive restaurant in the Kutuzovsky Prospekt area, and expensive foreign-made cars.
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