The West, the Freemasons and the February Revolution. The Great Jewish Revolution in Russia, the role of the Freemasons The role of the Freemasons in the revolution of 1917
...As can be seen from Lloyd George's confession, February Revolution was the first goal of the World War launched by democracies. The revolution occurred not because the hardships of the war became unbearable, but because a successful end to the war for Russia was foreseeable.
This forced the top of the intelligentsia “order” and its foreign patrons to rush into an attack on the Russian monarchy. That is, this attack was being prepared not in the “workers’ and peasants’” underground, but in the Duma’s lobbies and aristocratic salons.
The course of events is described in detail both in the memoirs of their participants (A.F. Kerensky, P.N. Milyukov, A.V. Tyrkova-Williams, etc.) and in the monographs of researchers (S.P. Melgunov, G.M. Katkov). Therefore, we will only note the main features of February, revealing its spiritual essence.
By 1917, the front had established itself far from the vital centers of Russia. The initial difficulties of military supply were overcome. Domestic industry produced more shells in January 1917 than France and England, and met 75-100% of the army's need for heavy artillery - the main weapon of that time. The overall economic growth during the war years was 21.5%.
The successful offensive in 1916 strengthened faith in victory. The spring offensive of 1917 was being prepared, which would undoubtedly be a turning point in the war. Since Italy went over to the side of the Entente and America was preparing to enter the war, exhausted Germany and Austria-Hungary had no chance of victory.
And the Februaryists realized that after the victorious end of the war it would be much more difficult to overthrow the monarchy. Moreover, the term of office of the Duma deputies (they formed the core of the conspirators) was expiring in 1917, and the re-election of many of them was in great doubt. And they decided to act.
Speaking at the Tauride Palace immediately after the seizure of power, P.N. Miliukov admitted: “I hear people asking me: who chose you. Nobody chose us, because if we had waited for the people’s election, we could not have wrested power from the hands of the enemy... The Russian revolution chose us”...
The coordination of political forces in this revolution “was predominantly along the Masonic line,” emphasized the democratic historian and eyewitness of the revolution S.P. Melgunov: the Masonic organization included representatives of different parties “from the Bolsheviks to the Cadets.” Many generals who were members of the so-called “Military Lodge” were associated with the Freemasons (even if not all of its members were “initiated” Freemasons, this does not change the essence of the matter).
Menshevik, meticulous historian B.I. Nikolaevsky also wrote about the conspiracy ideology: “We can say with complete certainty that the center where it was formed... were Masonic organizations.”
The Masonic “ideology of a political revolution... these plans and conversations about them played a huge role mainly in preparing the army command staff and officers in general for the events of March 1917.”
Then a group of Masons “during almost the entire period of the Provisional Government played a virtually leading role in the direction of the latter’s policies,” “during this period, local lodges definitely became cells of the future local government.”
On the eve of the revolution, according to the Masonic dictionary, there were about 28 lodges in the largest cities of Russia. (This fact, confirmed in documentary studies and Masonic encyclopedias, even to post-Soviet historians still seems like a “Black Hundred myth.” “Anthology on the history of Russia,” recommended by the Ministry of Education in 1995, gives only the opinion of the Soviet historian A.Ya. Avrekh about the Freemasons: “What didn’t happen, didn’t happen.”)
First, Russian Freemasons, together with their Western allies, put pressure on the Sovereign (for this, in January 1917, Lord A. Milner, Grand Overseer of the Grand Lodge of England, politician and banker, arrived in Petrograd). They demanded that the Duma be given more legislative rights and the extension of her powers until the end of the war.
Lvov (the future head of the Provisional Government) stated that “a revolution is inevitable if measures are not immediately taken to change the current state of affairs.” As the British Foreign Secretary Balfour (also a Freemason) noted, “monarchs are rarely given more serious warnings than those that Milner gave to the Tsar.”
But the Tsar did not want to change the law for the sake of the opposition, which launched an all-Russian slander campaign against him from the Duma rostrum, which was replicated by newspapers. It was obvious that the Duma leaders were only striving for personal power, neglecting the interests of the country and using any means. This was also understood by the Irish representative in the British Parliament, who stated: “our leaders... sent Lord Milner to Petrograd to prepare this revolution, which destroyed the autocracy in an allied country.”
The authoritative English historian G.M. Katkov assumed that the unrest in February 1917 in Petrograd was prepared by Parvus’s agents: “Assuming that the whole truth is inaccessible to us, we still do not have the right to cover up our ignorance with phrases about a “spontaneous movement” and “the cup of patience of the workers,” which “has overflowed.” "".
Someone had to start rumors about a shortage of bread (although there was bread); someone had to provoke the workers' unrealistic demand for a 50% wage increase (it was rejected, which caused the strike); someone had to give the strikers money to live on and throw out exactly those slogans about which one of the workers gloomily said: “ They they want peace with the Germans, bread and equality for the Jews” - it was obvious, Katkov writes about this worker, “that the slogans did not come from him and others like him, but were imposed by some mysterious “they”.” (It is also very symbolic that the revolution began with women’s demonstrations on February 23/March 8 - on this day in 1917 the Jewish carnival holiday of revenge against the “anti-Semites” Purim fell.)
However, the organized unrest in Petrograd was not yet a revolution, but a necessary reason for it: they were fanned by the press and conspirators in order to demand the Tsar’s abdication as “the last means of saving Russia.” At the same time, the Masonic organization, acting in concert in the Duma, General Staff, Directorate railway and in the media, played a decisive role. Masonic sources show that in 1917 the Masons consisted of:
- Provisional Government(“the majority of its members were Freemasons,” reports the Masonic Dictionary);
- the first leadership of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies(all three members of the presidium were Freemasons - N.S. Chkheidze, A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Skobelev and two of the four secretaries - K.A. Gvozdev, N.D. Sokolov);
- core Jewish political organizations operating in Petrograd (key figure was A.I. Braudo, who supported secret connections with Jewish overseas centers; as well as L.M. Bramson, M.M. Vinaver, Ya.G. Frumkin, O.O. Gruzenberg - defender of Beilis, etc.).
The Provisional Government immediately prepared a decree abolishing all restrictions for Jews “in constant contact with the continuously meeting Political Bureau” (Jewish Center), writes its member Frumkin. The decree was adopted on the eve of Passover, but the Politburo asked that a special mention of Jews be excluded from the text so as not to attract attention.
After the publication (March 9/22) of the decree, the Jewish Politburo went on a deputation to the head of the Provisional Government and to the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (consisting of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries) - “but not in order to express gratitude, but in order to congratulate The Provisional Government and the Council issued this decree. This was the decree of the Political Bureau." February was their joint victory.
This was demonstrated by a public exchange of telegrams, when the main financier of the revolution, Schiff, “as the constant enemy of the tyrannical autocracy that mercilessly persecuted my fellow believers,” congratulated the Kadet leader, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Miliukov, on the victory of the revolution, to which he replied: “United in hatred and disgust for the overthrown regime, we will also be united in pursuing new ideals.”
The “Concise Jewish Encyclopedia” writes that “after the February Revolution, Jews for the first time in the history of Russia occupied high positions in the central and local administration” and provides a long list. However, the Jews did not want to “shine” at the top of the Provisional Government that overthrew the monarchy: “L. Bramson, M. Vinaver, F. Dan and M. Lieber were offered ministerial positions at different times, but they all rejected these offers, believing that Jews should not be members of the Russian government.”
This explanation is unconvincing: rather, they had a presentiment of the temporary nature of this government, because they were not shy about leading positions in the Soviets that were striving for power, including the influential Petrogradsky (F. Dan, M. Lieber, O. Martov, R. Abramovich, etc.); before October, the Petrograd Soviet was led by Trotsky, the Moscow Soviet by G. Kipen. The first presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, chaired by A. Gotz, included nine people: 5 Jews, 1 Georgian, 1 Armenian, 1 Pole and 1 presumably Russian.
It is not surprising that already in June 1917, the First Congress of Soviets unanimously adopted a resolution on the fight against anti-Semitism, and the Second Congress of Soviets (the day after the October Revolution) “unanimously and without debate” - a resolution calling “to prevent Jewish and all other pogroms from side of the dark forces."
The February Revolution was not “bloodless,” as the Februaryists called it. Kerensky admitted in his memoirs that many officials were killed. Judging by the lists of victims in the newspapers, the death toll in the capital numbered in the hundreds. Many administrative buildings were burned, aristocrats' mansions and royal palaces were looted. Moreover, the Provisional Government already began persecution of the Church: the Alexander Nevsky Lavra was closed, the most persistent bishops were removed.
Even ordinary government employees were subjected to bullying. On March 2 in Moscow, “many horse and automobile detachments were moving through the streets, escorting ex-bailiffs, their assistants, police officers, police officers, detectives, security guards, gendarmes, messengers, clerks, passport officers... They were surrounded by military guards and students with rifles and Brownings in their hands .
The public greeted the arrested with whistles... Processions with the arrested police began at 8 o'clock. evenings and ended only late at night... after completing the necessary formalities, they were sent to Butyrka prison in the same order.” The same “students with Brownings” arrested right-wing journalists, monarchist figures, and destroyed their apartments and editorial offices (like the apartment of the chairman of the “Union of the Russian People” A.I. Dubrovin and the editorial office of “Russian Banner”).
Among the “people with Brownings” were deserters and terrorists who were released from prison by the “general political amnesty” of the Provisional Government. Now they took revenge on the tsarist administration. Often it was these individuals, “sufferers from tsarism,” who filled administrative posts. The police were renamed militia, the governors were replaced by commissioners of the Provisional Government.
However, all this happened after the abdication of the Emperor. At first, the February Revolution was just a conspiracy in the upper social stratum of the capital. It was possible to pacify this rebellion with one loyal regiment, because there was no unrest in other cities: everything depended on the outcome of events in St. Petersburg. And such regiments existed. The misfortune of the supreme power was that such a regiment was not at its disposal: the Emperor’s order to send loyal troops to the capital was treacherously not carried out by the generals.
The Tsar was isolated in Pskov, misinformed by his entourage who participated in the conspiracy, and forced to abdicate in favor of his brother - supposedly this remained the last resort to continue the war. His brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, was immediately forced to transfer the issue of power to the discretion of the future Constituent Assembly. Both of these actions were violations of laws Russian Empire and occurred as a result of revolutionary violence. On this day, March 2, 1917, the legitimacy of power in Russia is interrupted...
Exchange statements. 1917. March 5. C. 7; Morning of Russia. 1917. March 3. C. 3.
Melgunov S. On the way to palace coup. Paris, 1931. pp. 180-195.
Berberova N. People and lodges. New York, 1986. pp. 25, 36-38, 152; Svitkov N. Military box // Vladimirsky Bulletin. Sao Paulo, 1960. No. 85. pp. 9-16.
Edges. 1989. No. 153. pp. 221-222, 225.
Reader on the history of Russia. M., 1995. P. 186.
Alekseeva I. Milner's mission // Questions of history. M., 1989. No. 10. P. 145-146; Katkov G. Decree. Op. pp. 231-234; Lloyd George D. Military memoirs. M., 1935. T. 3. P. 359-366.
Parliamentary Debates. House of Commons. 1917. Vol. 91. Nr. 28. 22 March. Col. 2081. - Quoted. from: Questions of history. 1989. No. 10. P. 145.
Katkov G. Decree. Op. pp. 93, 255-264.
Dictionnaire universel de la franc-maçonnerie. Paris, 1974; Russian Freemasonry 1731-2000. encyclopedic Dictionary. M., 2001; Berberova N. People and lodges. New York, 1986; Nikolaevsky B. Russian Freemasons and Revolution. M., 1990.
Frumkin Ya. From the history of Russian Jewry // Book about Russian Jewry (1860-1917). New York, 1960. P. 107.
New York Times. 10. IV. P. 13.
* Against the background of all of the above, we propose to evaluate the statement of a modern doctor of historical sciences, who dedicated the book to the “peace-loving” goals of Freemasonry: “A thorough study of the Masonic archives in comparison with the funds of materials of many Zionist societies did not reveal any data on the cooperation of such organizations, much less inspiring revolutions by them in our country, which is what home-grown monarchists are making noise about, repeating false versions of their distant predecessors" ( Soloviev O.F.
Freemasonry in world politics of the twentieth century. M., 1998. S. 65, 58). At the same time, the author himself provides many quotes from Masonic sources, indicating the interest of international Freemasonry in the overthrow of the Russian monarchy and “in dismembering this colossus before it became too dangerous” (pp. 42, 66); all Masons were instructed to “passionately wish for the imminent victory of the Russian revolution”; “other speeches of the Masonic press essentially did not differ in tone from the above” (pp. 45-46), admits Solovyov.
Contrary to his assertion that the Freemasons did not determine the course of France and England towards Russia (p. 42), that the Masonic order “never turned into any decisive factor in world politics” (p. 65), the author documents that that Freemasons stood “at the helm of government” in democracies (pp. 38, 52).
He admits: “Prominent figures of the order participated in the foreign policy courses of their states in anticipation of a world war” (p. 50). It would be strange if this were not so (pp. 54-55, 67): in France, the head of government R. Viviani, 14 ministers and the commander-in-chief J. Joffre were Freemasons; in Great Britain - chief ministers W. Churchill, A. Milner, A. Balfour, Commander-in-Chief D. Haig, many politicians and members of the dynasty; and in the Masonic USA, most presidents and politicians have traditionally been Freemasons. And the composition of the participants and the results of the Paris Peace Conference (under the control of Jewish organizations - see: The Secret of Russia. pp. 37-40) with the creation of the League of Nations by the Freemasons speak for themselves.
In general, the Masonic “struggle for peace” consisted of starting wars with the “enemies of the world” (that is, opponents of Masonic goals), preferably by someone else’s hands - this is the meaning of the Freemasons’ desire for an “alliance with tsarism” in the form of the Entente: for the collision of Russia with Germany . To understand this, it is necessary to examine not only the official Masonic texts (this is the same, for example, as judging foreign policy CPSU on the basis of its peace-loving resolutions - without taking into account the secret decisions of the Politburo, the actions of the special services, the financing of “fraternal” parties, etc.).
And it is impossible to understand the essence of the “Masonic phenomenon without ideological layers and mysticism” (as Solovyov hopes); without specifying which “supreme being” even religious Freemasons worship; without taking into account the fact that Freemasonry was created by Jewish bankers. See more about this in the book “The Secret of Russia”.
Concise Jewish Encyclopedia. T. 7. P. 381.
News of the Moscow Council. 1917. June 24. S. 2.
Trotsky L. History of the Russian Revolution. 1933. T. II. Part 2. P. 361. - See: Decrees Soviet power. M., 1957. T. 1. P. 16-17.
Morning of Russia. 1917. March 3. C.4.
***
This is an excerpt from the book “To the Leader of the Third Rome” by Mikhail Nazarov. Posted on a very unfriendly site.
Alexander Fedorovich Kerensky was born on April 22 (May 4), 1881 in Simbirsk. A paradoxical fact: Alexander and Vladimir Ulyanov (Lenin) are fellow countrymen who may have even met in childhood (Lenin is 11 years older than Kerensky), although neither one nor the other makes specific mention of this.
Gymnasium student Sasha Kerensky, 1893. (wikipedia.org)
As a man with an impeccable reputation, fiery eloquence and erudition, our hero joined the Masonic lodges very early: first in Vitebsk in one of the lodges of the “Great East of the Peoples of Russia”, and then in Samara in the Kutushev lodge. In Freemasonry, Kerensky found almost everything he was looking for. The “brothers” greatly appreciated Alexander Fedorovich’s fiery, incendiary speeches and his advocacy work. There is nothing to be surprised here - our hero was a brilliant orator, a real tribune. The word was his element, which, unfortunately, cannot be said about deeds. One day, Maurice Paleologue, the French Ambassador to Russia, a man of very great intelligence and historical knowledge, told him: “You are an excellent igniter, but you do not know how to lead.” And this phrase, in a sense, became a death sentence for Kerensky. That is, he was a man of rallies, a journalistic element, an excellent lawyer, skillfully influencing judges and juries, but, unfortunately, speaking modern language, a very poor practical administrator and no crisis manager at all.
Lenin and Trotsky learned a lot from Kerensky. This applies not only to methods of influencing the crowd, but also to image. In 1917, Kerensky, who had never served in the army and was a deeply civilian man, began to maintain the ascetic image of a “people's leader”, wearing a paramilitary jacket and a short haircut. “What does Lenin have to do with it?” - the question arises. The answer is obvious: remember his proletarian cap...
Our hero's rise to power began with the February Revolution, during which he joined the Socialist Revolutionary Party and took part in the work of the Provisional Committee of the State Duma. Alexander Kerensky was a man of radical views, a man of convictions, a great admirer of political freedoms. He was not a politician at all, he did not know how to break his word, he did not know how to maneuver, look for a compromise, lie on blue eye. Alexander Fedorovich, in full accordance with Masonic rules, believed that everyone should be granted equal rights. For example, he insisted that the corps of gendarmes and police be disbanded immediately after the February Revolution. It was a suicidal decision. Also, on his orders, all political exiles were returned. Of course, this is a good step, but it has led to the country being overrun with criminals. A whole bunch of criminal riffraff poured out onto the streets of major Russian cities. Real criminal terror has begun. This, by the way, undermined the government's prestige much more than many foreign policy failures. This affected everyone. In other places, people were simply afraid to go out. And the police were removed... The new so-called police were entirely unprofessionals, bribe-takers, people who protected only their area, and did not care about the rest. How was it possible to disband the gendarmes, practically counterintelligence, and at the same time release criminals in a warring country? It was a crazy move.
"Kerensky's flight from Gatchina." G. Shegal, 1937−1938. (wikipedia.org)
But Kerensky needs to be understood. No, he was not a madman or a phrase-monger. Alexander Fedorovich believed that if he promised, he must certainly fulfill his obligations, keep his word. An eight-hour working day in a country at war with catastrophic low level labor productivity... How is this possible? And our hero was faced with a situation where the obligations he had assumed came into irreconcilable conflict with life conditions.
In 1917, it was possible to overcome the crisis in the Russian Empire only by resolving two fundamental issues - about peace and about land. And what did the Provisional Government face? The English and French brother masons, who belonged mainly to French lodges (Kerensky, by the way, was no exception), asked and demanded that he continue the war and fulfill allied obligations. The word “obligations” for members of the Provisional Government, among whom there were many free masons, was cultic and sacred. Russia promised to fight, which means war to a victorious end.
However, military operations exhausted the patience of the peasants, who sat in the trenches and dreamed of a home and wanted to sow grain. When they were allowed to elect their own soldiers’ committees, when they obliged the officers to say “you” to them, when they said that weapons were issued to officers only with the permission of the soldiers’ committees, this meant one thing - the complete collapse of the army. That is, the Provisional Government, and, alas, Kerensky, found themselves in an insoluble dilemma: on the one hand, continue the war, fulfill allied obligations, on the other hand, and with whom to fight? The army did not want to fight and refused; soldiers fled en masse from the front. According to the most liberal estimates, 2.5 million deserters were identified: brutal, diseased men with weapons who were making their way to their home, to human life. And what do you order to stop them? Therefore, later thoughts were born that were very far from the first liberal institutions: detachments, the death penalty for desertion, military dictatorship and everything else. That is, the government very quickly realized that wonderful slogans and words came into complete conflict with real life.
Emigrant Alexander Kerensky, 1938. (wikipedia.org)
There is a version that on the eve of October 25, 1917, Alexander Kerensky left for Pskov in a diplomatic car with an American flag and women's clothing. In fact, this was not the case. Our hero went to the front for military units that had sworn allegiance to him, and had to lead them to Petrograd. But they refused to follow him. As a result, Kerensky had to flee abroad under the guise of a Serbian officer.
Let's make a lyrical digression and say a few words about the Bolshevik Freemasons. For example, Lenin and Trotsky were not such, but Mikoyan, Petrovsky, Molotov were very much associated with Freemasonry. The latter, as is known, occupied the most prominent post. And his last name - Molotov - is not an easy, and contemptuous, derogatory nickname that he bore - “cast iron ass” - this is not a nickname at all, but a kind of Masonic title, an iron seat, assigned to a free mason from the 25th degree and above (out of 33 -x possible).
Kerensky in the last years of his life. Photo by Genrikh Borovik. (wikipedia.org)
As for the hero of our story, Alexander Kerensky, he was unable to restore statehood in Russia, to stop the country’s slide into the abyss of chaos, so he was forced to flee. First, he went to the north-west of the country, where the military refused to support him, then he made his way to the Don to visit a colleague, but he didn’t belong there either. He went to Crimea, then to Paris. He was not accepted anywhere; everywhere he was an exile and a pariah. Kerensky was perceived by everyone as a walking symbol of unfulfilled hopes, as the embodiment of defeat. Well, as you know, no one likes losers, failures and losers. In this regard, the personal fate of our hero was very sad. It wasn't all his fault personally, but he still took on too much. And, apparently, being last leader government, he missed the last chance to restore at least some order in Russia (meaning the attempt of the Kornilov rebellion). But here, too, Kerensky failed, unfortunately, due to dislike and distrust of the military. Kornilov seemed to him like a martinet, an odious man, a boot, he smelled of shoe polish and barracks, and Kerensky was afraid that a real dictatorship would come, and he himself would be given a place on the lamppost. And he stopped negotiations with Kornilov. And they were, of course, conducted completely publicly, and Kornilov, of course, acted with the sanction of the government.
Kerensky relied on another military man, Kolchak (by the way, also a Freemason), who was pleasant and sympathetic to him. And the admiral was sent to America at this moment, perhaps not only to strengthen ties with the American establishment, but also with some Masonic assignments. In the States, Kolchak was received favorably. And here American Freemasonry placed its bet on the future military dictator. But no one could have imagined that events would develop so rapidly. When Kolchak decided to return to Russia, there was already a new government there. And he was forced to travel not from the West, from St. Petersburg, but from the East. Well further fate Admiral, unfortunately, is very tragic: he fought heroically and ended his life as a soldier and martyr, shot in the Irkutsk Cheka. That is, his mission also failed.
Alexander Kerensky died in New York on June 11, 1970. Local Russian and Serbian orthodox churches They refused to perform his funeral service, considering him to be the culprit of the fall of Russia. The body was transported to London, where his son lived, and buried in the non-denominational Putney Vale Cemetery.
Summing up the life of Alexander Kerensky, we note once again that he was a tragic figure, a victim of his own idealism, political beauty and blind faith in obligations. A person like him should not have gone into politics, because real politics is a thing associated with unprincipledness, and with a change in tactics, and with the violation of previously given words. Kerensky was not like that, and the elements of political rebellion swept him away not only from the political stage, but also practically made him parvenu and persona non grata among all those people with whom he was friends.
Sources
- Echo of Moscow, "Brothers": Masons and the February Revolution
The 1917 revolution in Russia began at the beginning of the year - in February - with popular unrest in the capital (Petrograd) and a few days later led to the collapse of the monarchy. And at the end of the year - in October - the Bolsheviks seized power in Petrograd. These two stages of the revolution are very different in many respects.
The newly organized Freemasonry began its activities in 1912. Some authors (including some Masons) tend to exaggerate its size. One Masonic certificate says that “the whole of Russia was covered with a network of lodges.” But other evidence is more plausible, according to which there were 40-50 lodges in Russia. In the capital, 95 people belonged to Freemasonry, in all of Russia - 350-400. They preferred that a lodge should not include more than seven people (then their meetings were more difficult for the police to establish), but if necessary, larger lodges were created.
With such a small number, Freemasonry was elitist. It mainly included influential persons - or those who could become influential (which was fully justified after the revolution). There were especially many Masons in the parliament (Duma) - the “Duma Lodge”, or “Rose Lodge”. There was a “military lodge” of influential military men, a “literary lodge” of influential writers and journalists, a large number of Masons were in the bar, public organizations, philosophical and religious circles that strived for an “independent” or “modern” understanding of Christianity, in the professoriate.
The organization of Freemasonry was finally approved at the 1912 convention. For the first time it was stated that Russian Freemasonry is no longer a branch of French Freemasonry. The “Great East of the Peoples of Russia” was created. (The name was adopted after long debate: the originally proposed “Great Council of Russia” was not satisfied with the fact that “Russia” occupied too prominent a place in it.) The real head of all Freemasonry was the secretary of the Supreme Council (its composition was known only to three counters) - he communicated with individual lodges.
The goals of Freemasonry were formulated as follows: “protection of human and civil rights”, “struggle for the political liberation of Russia”, “principles of the French Revolution of 1789 in their most primitive - undistorted - form”, “unification of all progressive elements”, “creation of fraternal community and moral improvement."
Freemasonry is secret organization to change the then existing system in a liberal democratic spirit. Moreover, its character made it possible to unite representatives of different strata of society (aristocrats, politicians, journalists, millionaires, even terrorists) and members of various left-wing parties who otherwise could not come into contact.
All activities of the lodges were carefully kept secret. There were no minutes of the meetings, and there were almost no documents left to reflect their existence. As a result, for several decades there were no reports of the activities of Freemasonry. This secrecy had an important meaning. A certain group (a faction in parliament, a philosophical society, etc.) could have a close-knit Masn group in its midst and not realize it. As a result, decisions were sometimes made that seemed incomprehensible to the uninitiated members of the group and were only explained many years later as the result of the influence of the Masonic core.
The core of Freemasonry was the Supreme Council. He was the ideological center of the movement. There are, however, no convincing reasons to consider it the “headquarters” of the entire left-liberal trend that existed at that time, hostile to the then system. But the existence of such a center, united and with great opportunities to influence public opinion, cannot be underestimated.
Only taking this factor into account can one explain the mysterious phenomenon that “public opinion” then turned out to be subordinate to clear concepts, slogans, “myths” - and this without radio and television. For example, the prevailing belief was that then (during the war that had already begun) the government and the court were conducting secret negotiations with the enemy, preparing a separate peace. The German origin of the queen played a special role here. After the revolution, a special commission was created to investigate the actions of the pre-revolutionary government - and no traces of such tendencies were found (and they have not yet learned to completely invent). The second myth is about the omnipotence of Rasputin, a peasant close to the queen, who claimed special spiritual gifts, and especially about his erotic connections with the queen. The first statement turned out to be monstrously exaggerated, the second - to have no basis at all. In this matter, it was even possible to specifically trace the Masonic influence. Rasputin's opponents (in particular, the then Prime Minister Stolypin) tried to turn the Tsar against him, claiming that he belonged to one widespread sect (the Khlysty). Then, through Masonic connections, it was possible to attract a Bolshevik who knew the sectarians, since he carried out revolutionary work among them. He convincingly proved that Rasputin did not belong to this sect; this article was published in a widely circulated newspaper and brought to the attention of the Tsar.
Finally, the third myth was that the lack of land that the peasants complained about could be compensated by dividing up large estates. In fact, the landowners owned a little more than 10% of the cultivable land, and when the peasants divided all the land after the revolution, then ten years later the size of the arable land per farm became less than before the revolution. And the demand for “alienation of landowners’ lands” was in the programs of all left parties.
In the Masonic Supreme Council there were two views on how to change the then existing system. One group proceeded from the method of political agitation and evolutionary change. This is how the decisions of the Supreme Council were oriented. But there was an influential group that propagated a violent way of changing power. Its influence grew with Russia's failures in the war. (It is now clear that these failures were greatly exaggerated by anti-government agitation: the Germans managed to capture only some of the western provinces of Russia. For example, the position of France was much more threatening; large riots took place in the French army.) But both movements agreed that they were categorically against revolutions such as popular uprising. They called it “uncontrollable chaos” and believed that it was their actions that could prevent it.
Therefore, supporters of a violent change of power planned a “revolution from above,” that is, a conspiracy that was supposed to ensure a change of monarch and a liberal constitution of the English type. IN Last year before the revolution (1916), even two such conspiratorial centers emerged. One developed around the head of the Union of Local Government Organizations, Prince G. E. Lvov - this union played a significant economic role during the war and had a very definite left-liberal political orientation. It was assumed that the king would be arrested and replaced by another member royal family, the proclamation of a liberal constitution and the formation of a government with the head of the conspiracy as prime minister. Another conspiracy was thought out in more detail. It was composed of prominent military personnel and persons close to the military environment. It was headed by the future Minister of War of the Provisional Government A.I. Guchkov. It was assumed that the tsar's train would be stopped on the way from the capital to Headquarters (where the tsar often traveled as Supreme Commander-in-Chief), he would be forced to abdicate in favor of his son with a regent acceptable to the conspirators, and again with a change in the constitution. Both conspiracies matured slowly, and participants were chosen carefully. In both cases, the coup itself was planned for the end of 1917. As for the leaders of both conspiracies, there is evidence and opinions of the opposite nature regarding their affiliation with Freemasonry - both “for” and “against”. But their environment, judging by the information now available, was completely Masonic. So in the literature they are often justifiably called “Masonic conspiracies.”
Both conspiracies were formed very slowly, and did not keep up with the developments of events. The revolution took place at the beginning of 1917 (at the end of February). The coup was carried out by a mass uprising of workers in Petrograd factories and military units, located in Petrograd. This was by no means a “revolt of the poor.” We were talking about workers at large military factories. They were exempt from mobilization and received pay significantly above average. The troops that joined them were not fighting units. They were just being prepared to be sent to the front, and many of them did not want this. How this mass uprising, which swept away the authorities, became possible is virtually unknown. The best historian of this period, G. Katkov, writes: “When we say that the February Revolution occurred spontaneously, we are actually saying that we do not know how it happened.” Before this mass uprising, the authorities capitulated without a fight. The king abdicated in favor of his brother, who immediately also abdicated. The ministers were arrested by some energetic people from the crowd. They began to kill policemen and beat up officers on the streets.
Here a turning point occurred in the history of Russia, which largely predetermined its further course. And regarding this event there is a lot of evidence pointing to Masonic influence, and in some cases to the decisive role of Freemasonry.
The central event itself - the performance of large masses of workers and soldiers in St. Petersburg - was completely opposite to Masonic ideology. But the fact that this mass uprising met virtually no resistance, that power instantly crumbled, is the result of preparatory work in which the role of Freemasonry was very large. Many leading military and political figures were involved in the above-mentioned "Masonic conspiracies" or knew about them and sympathized with them. Therefore, news of what happened in St. Petersburg was perceived as the implementation of a hitherto unknown detail of the conspiracy and did not provoke any attempt at resistance. Even the abdication of the king happened exactly according to the scenario of one of the conspiracies, and it was precisely the leader of this conspiracy who accepted it.
After the collapse of power, two bodies were formed simultaneously, laying claim to power in Russia, and interacting to some extent; This era is sometimes called dual power. One center was the government, formed by influential members of parliament (the Duma). It was called the Provisional Government. The other was the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies and its Executive Committee, which claimed to represent "the people." In both cases the Masonic influence can now be clearly identified.
During the period between the February and October revolutions, the composition of the Provisional Government changed several times. But it always retained a large and influential Masonic core. For example, the first composition of the Provisional Government - 11 people - contained 5 very influential and active masons. But it is very likely that some other members were also Freemasons. Most researchers believe, in particular, that Prime Minister Prince Lvov was a prominent Freemason. He headed the government until July 1917. The Prime Minister of the Provisional Government of the following compositions, A.F. Kerensky, was not only a Freemason, but at one time - the secretary of the Masonic Supreme Council, that is, the head of Russian Freemasonry. The formation of the Provisional Government took place under obvious Masonic influence. Subsequently, some politicians told how they were amazed that prominent positions were occupied by previously completely unknown people - for example, Finance Minister Tereshchenko. It is now known that he was an influential Freemason and was part of the “Masonic center” in a number of members of the Provisional Government.
From memoirs it is known, for example, that in 1916, at the home of a political figure (a freemason), what were later called “representatives of different parties” gathered and compiled a list of the future government of Russia. This list included almost all the names that formed the Provisional Government a year later. It is difficult to imagine how members of such different parties could come together other than on a Masonic basis. On the other hand, a mysterious document dated 1915 was published in the Soviet magazine Krasny Archive. It is called “Disposition No. 1” and is signed:
"People's Salvation Committee." It sets out quite accurately the program of the left-liberal opposition (which corresponded to the ideology of the Masonic Supreme Council). But, most interestingly, it is reported that a “headquarters” will be created to carry out the program. Its creation is entrusted to the “main cell” of three persons. The combination of these three individuals together would have seemed simply ridiculous in 1915, but in 1917 they turned out to be ministers and even the core of the Provisional Government (including the prime minister). Some researchers attribute Masonic origin to this document.
The second center of power - the Council of Workers' Deputies - was created mainly by self-appointment and co-optation. The first step was taken as soon as it became known about the unrest and the collapse of power. Several politicians from different socialist parties gathered at the apartment of a Social Democrat named Gimmer. It was they who created the first composition of the Executive Committee of the Petrograd Soviet. But how did they come together? In his memoirs, Gimmer (Sukhanov) says that some came to find out the news, others received a phone call. But modern publishers of these memoirs claim that the meeting was convened on a Masonic initiative. The first chairman of the Petrograd Soviet was a freemason. Among his deputies are two more Masons. Another prominent Freemason, who maintained contact between the Masonic Supreme Council and the Petrograd Council of Workers' Deputies, recalls that it was very easy to talk with its chairman. If necessary, he would tell him: “Why are you wandering around, because all of our people have decided so, we need to correct your decision and do it our way.” The government, in agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, created a new administration that it could trust: commissars in the army or in other areas. These appointments largely took place through “brotherly ties.”
Neither the Provisional Government nor the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' Deputies had almost any real power - anarchy increasingly reigned. But these two centers of visible power were most afraid of “reaction” and saw the main danger in the army. Therefore, in the first months after the February Revolution, significant efforts were aimed at weakening the army, creating there the same level of anarchy that prevailed in the capital. The first (and one with enormous consequences) action was the so-called “Order No. I”. It ordered each military unit to obey a committee of its choosing. Weapons were ordered to be placed under the control of these committees and not to be issued to officers “even at their request.” The “order” meant the end of all discipline. It was sanctioned by the Provisional Government and the Petrograd Soviet, where the Freemasons played a leading role. But its text itself was written by a prominent freemason Sokolov. The destruction of the army was happening all the time: for example, the high command was ordered to purge the generals and dismiss several hundred generals of “conservative views.” As a result of a number of similar actions, the army became incapable of combat. In addition, the food situation worsened, and production fell due to strikes.
In the second half of 1917, it became obvious that the country was not capable of fighting. Its withdrawal from the war was very undesirable for Russia's Western allies. A French delegation led by Albert Thomas, Minister of Armaments and Freemason, was sent to Russia. It included Marcel Cachin, also a Freemason, and in the future one of the founders of the French Communist Party. Since the head of the Provisional Government was also a Freemason, he could have been influenced along the “fraternal” line. Many researchers see this as one of the reasons that Russia did not stop the hopeless war “on reasonable terms.” In emigration, however, Russian Freemasons ardently argued that Russian Freemasonry was not subordinate to French.
As a result, the government lost almost all control over the country, and in October 1917 the Bolsheviks seized power with insignificant forces, without meeting any resistance.
Thus, the era between the February and October Revolution can be considered the period of greatest influence of Freemasonry in Russia. During this time, there was a complete destruction of state power. From the very first days, the crowd killed policemen, burned police stations, and burned the cases of criminals. Then, through a series of targeted measures, the army was destroyed. Transport fell into disrepair. The liberal agitation, which had been carried out before, in the same way destroyed the spiritual ties that united the people - monarchical and religious feelings. All these actions can be compared to the introduction of poison into the body, which paralyzes it. The people found themselves paralyzed; people no longer felt like a united people. In such a paralyzed state, power could be seized by any determined minority. Those who were ready to take more radical measures had more chances.
They called the system established by the Bolsheviks the “dictatorship of the proletariat.”
The organization and full support of the Masons for the 1917 revolution in Russia is also evidenced by the memorandum of D. Thacher, a Mason of a high degree of dedication, who was in Russia in 1917 with the Red Cross mission of William Boyce Tomps. After consultations in New York, Thacher was sent to London to negotiate with Lord Northcliffe about the Bolshevik revolution, and then to Paris for the same negotiations with the French government.
As the Western scholar of Freemasonry E. Sutton points out: “The Thacher Memorandum not only insists on recognition of the struggling Soviet government, which in 1918 controlled only a very small part of Russia, but also demands assistance military assistance The Soviet army, carrying out an intervention to prevent the Japanese from entering Siberia until the Bolsheviks take over (X.60, P.54).” The Soviets were so grateful for American assistance to the revolution that in 1920, when the last American troops were leaving Vladivostok, the Bolsheviks gave them a friendly farewell (X.60, P.56,76).
As Helsing shows: "In 1916, at a meeting of B'NAI BRITH in New York, Jacob Schiff, president of Khun Loeb & Co. Bank, was elected chairman of the revolutionary Zionist Movement in Russia."
On January 13, 1917, the Jew Leon Trotsky (formerly Bronstein) arrived in the United States and received an American passport. He was accidentally seen entering the palace-residence of JACOB SCHIFF.
Schiff's meeting with Trotsky discussed the Zionist unrest in Russia, as well as the lessons to be learned from the failure to overthrow the Tsar. Jacob Schiff financed the training of "Trotsky's Rebels", which consisted mainly of Jews from New York's Ostend, and whose training was carried out at the ROCKEFELLER STANDARD OIL COMPANY site in New Jersey. When they were sufficiently trained in tactics guerrilla warfare, Trotsky's rebels, supplied by Jacob Schiff with 20 million US dollars in gold (10 million in 1905 and 10 million in 1917, author's note), left the United States. They set off on the Kristianiafjord steamship to Russia, and there they launched the Bolshevik Revolution.
Trotsky and Lenin were connected with the “Z00 Committee” through Bruce Lockharat.
The revolution broke out in February 1917, the Tsar was overthrown, and control passed into the hands of the Provisional Government, headed by Prince Georgy Lvov. However, this was not all that the plans for the destruction of the state foresaw.
Here I would like to briefly return to the events described in the chapter “Background of the Bolshevik Revolution”, in which TROTSKY and his rebels, along with 20 million US dollars in gold, left New York on board the steamer Kristianiafiord.
Their steamer, chartered by JACOB SCHIFF, April 3, 1917, was detained by the Canadian government services in Halifax, Nova Scotia. It seemed that the Illuminati plan was doomed to failure. But here Jacob Schiff made every effort and used all the influence of his enlightened friends in the Government of the USA and England so that this journey could continue without long interruptions. Having arrived in Europe, Trotsky went straight to Switzerland to meet there with Lenin, Stalin, Kaganovich and Litvinov, and thus the unity of the entire strategy used here was essentially clarified.
Here it would probably be interesting to note that the main representatives and agents of all the states participating in the war could often meet in Switzerland. Switzerland in its present form was created as a consequence of the Congress of Vienna in 1815. She guaranteed her own permanent neutrality.
Accident?
Or perhaps such a safe place in the center of Europe does not fully meet all the plans of the parties living off the war?
Now, however, the conspirators were faced with the question of how they could transport all the rebels and their equipment from Switzerland to Russia. The answer to this was given by the ROTHSCHILD agent, head of the German secret police, MAX WARBURG, who proposed to put them all in one sealed railway carriage and promised to monitor the safety of the trip to the Russian border. When the train first stopped on German territory, two German officers boarded and subsequently escorted it. This was done on the orders of General ERICH LUDENDORFF.
Max Warburg was the brother of Paul Warburg, the first President of the Federal Reserve Bank.
In July 1917, a coup supported by international bankers suffered initial defeat, and LENIN had to flee to Finland along with several of his comrades. Finally, in November 1917, their work ended in success.
If we look at the financial support that followed studying in New York, this no longer seems so surprising. During the bloody civil war which began in the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution, Lenin remained the undisputed leader in political sphere, and Trotsky organized the military branch of the Organization, namely the “Red Army”. The name “Red Army” was not at all false or found by chance. The Bolshevik “Red Army” under the leadership of Trotsky was the lethal weapon of the international bankers led by the Rothschilds (Red Shield). It made absolutely no difference whether to wear a red cockade or a red shield.”
Lenin's comrades were mainly Jews. The Times of March 29, 1919 wrote about this as “one of the most interesting features of Bolshevik rule is the high percentage of non-Russian elements in the governing bodies. Of the approximately 30 commissars or leaders who made up the central apparatus of the Bolshevik movement, no less than 75% were Jews.” .
According to the records of General Nechvolodov, the French secret service established that Jacob Schiff transferred another 12 million US dollars directly to the Russian revolutionaries. Nechvolodov also named Felix Warburg, Otto Hahn, Mortimer Schiff, Jerome G. Hanauer, Max Breitung in the USA and Max Warburg, Olaf Aschburg and Zhitovsky in Europe as additional creditors of the Bolshevik revolution.
The bloody extermination of millions of Russians and the enslavement of the rest were of very little interest to international bankers who were striving for their goal - world domination.”
So, the February Revolution was financed by J. Schiff and the Grand Warden of the Grand Lodge of England, prominent politician and banker Lord Milner.
Speaking about Milner’s activity in Petrograd on the eve of February, the Irish representative in the British Parliament bluntly stated: “... our leaders sent Lord Milner to Petrograd to prepare this revolution, which destroyed the autocracy in an ally country.”
As we have already mentioned, Germany and Austria-Hungary had their own reason for supporting the revolutionaries - they were betting on the disintegration of the Russian army that fought against them, but even here Jewish bankers, including relatives and partners of Schiff Wasburg, helped.
In 1917, as M. Nazarov points out, the Masons consisted of:
— the core of Jewish political organizations in Petrograd;
- Provisional Government (author's note - all 11 ministers of the Provisional Government were Freemasons);
- The first leadership of the Petrograd Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (all three members of the presidium were Freemasons - N.S. Cholidze, A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Skobelev).
It is known about Kerensky that he was adopted by a Simbirsk freemason, who gave him his last name; in emigration he was considered Aron Kirbis, the son of a Jewish woman, a Mason of the 32nd degree of initiation with the Masonic Jewish title of “Knight of Kadosh” (Scottish Freemasonry). Trotsky himself also belonged to the 97th degree in Jewish Freemasonry "Mizraim".
In 1917, Kerensky was initially in a supporting role (Minister of Justice). As P. Lanin points out: “... the future “chief persuader,” pushing aside the surprised but not protesting Miliukov, managed to convince Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich that he needed to abdicate the throne handed over to him by the sovereign - of course, for the good of Russia.
The rest is known: having quickly risen to the ranks of prime ministers and commanders-in-chief, this hysterical chatterbox, demagogue and neurasthenic in six months destroyed the army, state power, courts and police, devalued Russian money, destroyed the economy and cleared the way for the final goal of the world mafia - the destruction of the Russian state, the Russian educated class, Russian Church and Russian culture...”
We have a lot of reliable historical evidence about the close connection between the Bolsheviks and the Freemasons. In particular, the Menshevik B. Nikolaevsky (1887-1966) wrote that the Masonic organization “also included the Bolsheviks, through them the Freemasons gave Lenin money (in 1914).” About this financing campaign, “which met with a positive attitude from Lenin” , also wrote G.Ya. Aronson (Freemason until 1941).
From Berberova’s book we learn that M. Gorky was close to Freemasonry through his wife E.P. Peshkov and his adopted son, a prominent French freemason 3.A. Peshkov (brother of Ya. Sverdlov). L.D. Trotsky came to Bolshevism through Freemasonry, and being the organizer of the Red Army, he brought there, as shown above, part of the Masonic symbolism. In the book of Aron Simanovich (personal secretary of G. Rasputin) “Memoirs” there are the following revelations: “Leiba Davidovich Trotsky sought the collapse of the greatest power in the world - Russia - on this occasion he said:
“We must turn it into a desert inhabited by white blacks, to whom we will give such Tyranny, which the most terrible despots of the East have never dreamed of. The only difference is that this tyranny will not be on the right, but on the left, and not white, but red. in the literal sense of the word, red, for we will shed such streams of blood, before which all the human losses of capitalist wars will shudder and turn pale.The largest bankers from overseas will work in close contact with us.
If we win the revolution, crush Russia, then on its funeral ruins we will strengthen the power of Zionism and become a force before which the whole world will kneel. We will show you what real power is. Through terror and bloodbaths we will reduce the Russian intelligentsia to complete stupefaction, to idiocy, to an animal state...”
Lenin’s connection with Freemasonry has already been discussed above. Here we think it is necessary to mention the coincidence of “Ilyich’s” policy towards the church with the program of the grand master of the French lodge of the Grand Orient Lafer, who in 1904 declared the goal of Freemasonry to be “the collapse of all dogmas and all Churches.”
As priest Rodion points out: “Lenin and his accomplices vehemently hated Christianity. Bishops and other clergy were shot and sent to concentration camps. Monasteries and churches were destroyed, and Orthodox communities, where Christian love and mutual assistance flourished, were especially persecuted. The peasantry as a carrier class was almost completely destroyed Orthodox worldview, so hated by Masonic ideology.
As can be seen from Lloyd George's confession, the February Revolution was the first goal of the World War launched by democracies. The revolution occurred not because the hardships of the war became unbearable, but because a successful end to the war for Russia was foreseeable.
This forced the top of the intelligentsia “order” and its foreign patrons to rush into an attack on the Russian monarchy. That is, this attack was being prepared not in the “workers’ and peasants’” underground, but in the Duma’s lobbies and aristocratic salons.
The course of events is described in detail both in the memoirs of their participants (A.F. Kerensky, P.N. Milyukov, A.V. Tyrkova-Williams, etc.) and in the monographs of researchers (S.P. Melgunov, G.M. Katkov). Therefore, we will only note the main features of February, revealing its spiritual essence.
By 1917, the front had established itself far from the vital centers of Russia. The initial difficulties of military supply were overcome. Domestic industry produced more shells in January 1917 than France and England, and met 75-100% of the army's need for heavy artillery - the main weapon of that time. The overall economic growth during the war years was 21.5%.
The successful offensive in 1916 strengthened faith in victory. The spring offensive of 1917 was being prepared, which would undoubtedly be a turning point in the war. Since Italy went over to the side of the Entente and America was preparing to enter the war, exhausted Germany and Austria-Hungary had no chance of victory.And the Februaryists realized that after the victorious end of the war it would be much more difficult to overthrow the monarchy. Moreover, the term of office of the Duma deputies (they formed the core of the conspirators) was expiring in 1917, and the re-election of many of them was in great doubt. And they decided to act.
Speaking at the Tauride Palace immediately after the seizure of power, P.N. Miliukov admitted: “I hear people asking me: who chose you. Nobody chose us, because if we had waited for the people’s election, we could not have wrested power from the hands of the enemy... The Russian revolution chose us.”
The coordination of political forces in this revolution “was predominantly along the Masonic line,” emphasized the democratic historian and eyewitness of the revolution S.P. Melgunov: the Masonic organization included representatives of different parties “from the Bolsheviks to the Cadets.” Many generals who were members of the so-called “Military Lodge” were associated with the Freemasons (even if not all of its members were “initiated” Freemasons, this does not change the essence of the matter).
Menshevik, meticulous historian B.I. Nikolaevsky also wrote about the conspiracy ideology: “We can say with complete certainty that the center where it was formed... were Masonic organizations.”
The Masonic “ideology of a political revolution... these plans and conversations about them played a huge role mainly in preparing the army command staff and officers in general for the events of March 1917.”
Then a group of Masons “during almost the entire period of the Provisional Government played a virtually leading role in the direction of the latter’s policies,” “during this period, local lodges definitely became cells of the future local government.”
On the eve of the revolution, according to the Masonic dictionary, there were about 28 lodges in the largest cities of Russia. (This fact, confirmed in documentary studies and Masonic encyclopedias, even to post-Soviet historians still seems like a “Black Hundred myth.” “Anthology on the history of Russia,” recommended by the Ministry of Education in 1995, gives only the opinion of the Soviet historian A.Ya. Avrekh about the Freemasons: “What didn’t happen didn’t happen.”)
First, Russian Freemasons, together with their Western allies, put pressure on the Sovereign (for this, in January 1917, Lord A. Milner, Grand Overseer of the Grand Lodge of England, politician and banker, arrived in Petrograd). They demanded that the Duma be given greater legislative rights and that its powers be extended until the end of the war.
Lvov (the future head of the Provisional Government) stated that “a revolution is inevitable if measures are not immediately taken to change the current state of affairs.” As the British Foreign Secretary Balfour (also a Freemason) noted, “monarchs are rarely given more serious warnings than those that Milner gave to the Tsar.”
But the Tsar did not want to change the law for the sake of the opposition, which launched an all-Russian slander campaign against him from the Duma rostrum, which was replicated by newspapers. It was obvious that the Duma leaders were only striving for personal power, neglecting the interests of the country and using any means. This was also understood by the Irish representative in the British Parliament, who stated: “our leaders... sent Lord Milner to Petrograd to prepare this revolution, which destroyed the autocracy in an allied country.”
The authoritative English historian G.M. Katkov assumed that the unrest in February 1917 in Petrograd was prepared by Parvus’s agents: “Assuming that the whole truth is inaccessible to us, we still do not have the right to cover up our ignorance with phrases about a “spontaneous movement” and “the cup of patience of the workers,” which “has overflowed.” "".
Someone had to start rumors about a shortage of bread (although there was bread); someone had to provoke the workers' unrealistic demand for a 50% wage increase (it was rejected, which caused the strike); someone had to give the strikers money to live on and throw out exactly those slogans about which one of the workers gloomily said: “ They they want peace with the Germans, bread and equality for the Jews” - it was obvious, writes Katkov about this worker, “that the slogans did not come from him and others like him, but were imposed by some mysterious “them”.” (It is also very symbolic that the revolution began with women’s demonstrations on February 23/March 8 - on this day in 1917 the Jewish carnival holiday of revenge against the “anti-Semites” Purim fell.)
However, the organized unrest in Petrograd was not yet a revolution, but a necessary reason for it: they were fanned by the press and conspirators in order to demand the Tsar’s abdication as “the last means of saving Russia.” At the same time, the Masonic organization, acting in concert in the Duma, the General Staff, the Railway Administration and in the media, played a decisive role. Masonic sources show that in 1917 the Masons consisted of:
- Provisional Government(“the majority of its members were Freemasons,” reports the Masonic Dictionary);
- the first leadership of the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies(all three members of the presidium were Freemasons - N.S. Chkheidze, A.F. Kerensky, M.I. Skobelev and two of the four secretaries - K.A. Gvozdev, N.D. Sokolov);
- the core of Jewish political organizations operating in Petrograd(the key figure was A.I. Braudo, who maintained secret connections with Jewish centers abroad; as well as L.M. Bramson, M.M. Vinaver, Ya.G. Frumkin, O.O. Gruzenberg - Beilis’s defender, etc. ).
The Provisional Government immediately prepared a decree abolishing all restrictions for Jews “in constant contact with the continuously meeting Political Bureau” (Jewish Center), writes its member Frumkin. The decree was adopted on the eve of Passover, but the Politburo asked that a special mention of Jews be excluded from the text so as not to attract attention.
After the publication (March 9/22) of the decree, the Jewish Politburo went on a deputation to the head of the Provisional Government and to the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies (consisting of Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries) - “but not in order to express gratitude, but in order to congratulate The Provisional Government and the Council issued this decree. This was the decree of the Political Bureau." February was their joint victory.
This was demonstrated by a public exchange of telegrams, when the main financier of the revolution, Schiff, “as the constant enemy of the tyrannical autocracy that mercilessly persecuted my fellow believers,” congratulated the Kadet leader, the new Minister of Foreign Affairs, Miliukov, on the victory of the revolution, to which he replied: “United in hatred and disgust for the overthrown regime, we will also be united in pursuing new ideals.”*
The “Concise Jewish Encyclopedia” writes that “after the February Revolution, Jews for the first time in the history of Russia occupied high positions in the central and local administration” and provides a long list. However, the Jews did not want to “shine” at the top of the Provisional Government that overthrew the monarchy: “L. Bramson, M. Vinaver, F. Dan and M. Lieber were offered ministerial positions at different times, but they all rejected these offers, believing that Jews should not be members of the Russian government.”
This explanation is unconvincing: rather, they had a presentiment of the temporary nature of this government, because they were not shy about leading positions in the Soviets that were striving for power, including the influential Petrogradsky (F. Dan, M. Lieber, O. Martov, R. Abramovich, etc.); before October, the Petrograd Soviet was led by Trotsky, the Moscow Soviet by G. Kipen. The first presidium of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, chaired by A. Gotz, included nine people: 5 Jews, 1 Georgian, 1 Armenian, 1 Pole and 1 presumably Russian.
It is not surprising that already in June 1917, the First Congress of Soviets unanimously adopted a resolution on the fight against anti-Semitism, and the Second Congress of Soviets (the day after the October Revolution) “unanimously and without debate” - a resolution calling “to prevent Jewish and all other pogroms from side of the dark forces."
The February Revolution was not “bloodless,” as the Februaryists called it. Kerensky admitted in his memoirs that many officials were killed. Judging by the lists of victims in the newspapers, the death toll in the capital numbered in the hundreds. Many administrative buildings were burned, aristocrats' mansions and royal palaces were looted. Moreover, the Provisional Government already began persecution of the Church: the Alexander Nevsky Lavra was closed, the most persistent bishops were removed.
Even ordinary government employees were subjected to bullying. On March 2 in Moscow, “many horse and automobile detachments were moving through the streets, escorting ex-bailiffs, their assistants, police officers, policemen, detectives, guards, gendarmes, messengers, clerks, passport officers... They were surrounded by military guards and students with rifles and Brownings in hand.
The public greeted the arrested with whistles... Processions with the arrested police began at 8 o'clock. evenings and ended only late at night... after completing the necessary formalities, they were sent in the same order to Butyrka prison.” The same “students with Brownings” arrested right-wing journalists, monarchist figures, and destroyed their apartments and editorial offices (like the apartment of the chairman of the “Union of the Russian People” A.I. Dubrovin and the editorial office of “Russian Banner”).
Among the “people with Brownings” were deserters and terrorists who were released from prison by the “general political amnesty” of the Provisional Government. Now they took revenge on the tsarist administration. Often it was these individuals, “sufferers from tsarism,” who filled administrative posts. The police were renamed militia, the governors were replaced by commissioners of the Provisional Government.
However, all this happened after the abdication of the Emperor. At first, the February Revolution was just a conspiracy in the upper social stratum of the capital. It was possible to pacify this rebellion with one loyal regiment, because there was no unrest in other cities: everything depended on the outcome of events in St. Petersburg. And such regiments existed. The misfortune of the supreme power was that such a regiment was not at its disposal: the Emperor’s order to send loyal troops to the capital was treacherously not carried out by the generals.
The Tsar was isolated in Pskov, misinformed by his entourage who participated in the conspiracy, and forced to abdicate in favor of his brother - supposedly this remained the last resort to continue the war. His brother, Grand Duke Mikhail Alexandrovich, was immediately forced to transfer the issue of power to the discretion of the future Constituent Assembly. Both of these actions were violations of the laws of the Russian Empire and occurred as a result of revolutionary violence. On this day, March 2, 1917, the legitimacy of power in Russia is interrupted...
Exchange statements. 1917. March 5. C. 7; Morning of Russia. 1917. March 3. C. 3.
Melgunov S. On the way to a palace coup. Paris, 1931. pp. 180-195.
Berberova N. People and lodges. New York, 1986. pp. 25, 36-38, 152; Svitkov N. Military box // Vladimirsky Bulletin. Sao Paulo, 1960. No. 85. pp. 9-16.
Edges. 1989. No. 153. pp. 221-222, 225.
Reader on the history of Russia. M., 1995. P. 186.
Alekseeva I. Milner's mission // Questions of history. M., 1989. No. 10. P. 145-146; Katkov G. Decree. Op. pp. 231-234; Lloyd George D. Military memoirs. M., 1935. T. 3. P. 359-366.
Parliamentary Debates. House of Commons. 1917. Vol. 91. Nr. 28. 22 March. Col. 2081. - Quoted. from: Questions of history. 1989. No. 10. P. 145.
Katkov G. Decree. Op. pp. 93, 255-264.
Dictionnaire universel de la franc-maçonnerie. Paris, 1974; Russian Freemasonry 1731-2000. Encyclopedic Dictionary. M., 2001; Berberova N. People and lodges. New York, 1986; Nikolaevsky B. Russian Freemasons and Revolution. M., 1990.
Frumkin Ya. From the history of Russian Jewry // Book about Russian Jewry (1860-1917). New York, 1960. P. 107.
New York Times. 10. IV. P. 13.
* Against the background of all of the above, we propose to evaluate the statement of a modern doctor of historical sciences, who dedicated the book to the “peace-loving” goals of Freemasonry: “A thorough study of the Masonic archives in comparison with the funds of materials of many Zionist societies did not reveal any data on the cooperation of such organizations, much less inspiring revolutions by them in our country, which is what home-grown monarchists are making noise about, repeating false versions of their distant predecessors" ( Soloviev O.F.
Freemasonry in world politics of the twentieth century. M., 1998. S. 65, 58). At the same time, the author himself provides many quotes from Masonic sources, indicating the interest of international Freemasonry in the overthrow of the Russian monarchy and “in dismembering this colossus before it became too dangerous” (pp. 42, 66); all Masons were instructed to “passionately wish for the imminent victory of the Russian revolution”; “other speeches of the Masonic press essentially did not differ in tone from the above” (pp. 45-46), admits Solovyov.
Contrary to his assertion that the Freemasons did not determine the course of France and England towards Russia (p. 42), that the Masonic order “never turned into any decisive factor in world politics” (p. 65), the author documents that that Freemasons stood “at the helm of government” in democracies (pp. 38, 52).
He admits: “Prominent figures of the order participated in the foreign policy courses of their states in anticipation of a world war” (p. 50). It would be strange if this were not so (pp. 54-55, 67): in France, the head of government R. Viviani, 14 ministers and the commander-in-chief J. Joffre were Freemasons; in Great Britain - chief ministers W. Churchill, A. Milner, A. Balfour, Commander-in-Chief D. Haig, many politicians and members of the dynasty; and in the Masonic USA, most presidents and politicians have traditionally been Freemasons. And the composition of the participants and the results of the Paris Peace Conference (under the control of Jewish organizations - see: The Secret of Russia. pp. 37-40) with the creation of the League of Nations by the Freemasons speak for themselves.
In general, the Masonic “struggle for peace” consisted of starting wars with the “enemies of the world” (that is, opponents of Masonic goals), preferably by someone else’s hands - this is the meaning of the Freemasons’ desire for an “alliance with tsarism” in the form of the Entente: for the collision of Russia with Germany . To understand this, it is necessary to study not only the official Masonic texts (this is the same, for example, as judging the foreign policy of the CPSU on the basis of its peace-loving resolutions - without taking into account the secret decisions of the Politburo, the actions of the special services, the financing of “fraternal” parties, etc.) .
And it is impossible to understand the essence of the “Masonic phenomenon without ideological layers and mysticism” (as Solovyov hopes); without specifying which “supreme being” even religious Freemasons worship; without taking into account the fact that Freemasonry was created by Jewish bankers. See more about this in the book “The Secret of Russia”.
Concise Jewish Encyclopedia. T. 7. P. 381.
News of the Moscow Council. 1917. June 24. S. 2.
Trotsky L. History of the Russian Revolution. 1933. T. II. Part 2. P. 361. - See: Decrees of Soviet Power. M., 1957. T. 1. P. 16-17.
Morning of Russia. 1917. March 3. C.4.
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