The establishment of Soviet power briefly. Establishment of Soviet power
The formation of Soviet power.
Topic 10. ʼʼWar Communismʼʼ as a stage in the formation of the command-administrative system (1917-1921).
Lecture No. 10 (2 hours)
PLAN:
1. The formation of Soviet power.
2. The first economic measures of the Soviet government.
3. Politics of ʼʼwar communismʼʼ
Soviet power established itself in most of the former Russian Empire from the end of October 1917 to March 1918. This process took place in different ways in different regions of the country. So, in Moscow, on the Don, Kuban, Southern Urals Bolsheviks had to face fierce resistance from individual military units and armed groups of the population. In the Central Industrial Region, Soviet power was established mainly peacefully, since the Bolsheviks had great influence in the industrial cities, there was a good railway connection, which helped them to quickly transfer the necessary assistance. By March 1918, the new government had won in the North, in Siberia, on Far East, mainly in large centers along the lines of communication.
The main reason for the rather quick "triumphal procession" of the new government in the country was the mass support by the army and the population of the country of the first decrees of Soviet power (October - November 1917), which were of a general democratic nature and were close to the vital interests of most people:
· Peace Decree called on the peoples and governments of the belligerent countries to make peace without annexations and indemnities;
· Land Decree proclaimed the nationalization of large landed property and the division of land among the peasants.
· Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia ;
· Appeal to the working Muslims of the East , which contained a promise to grant these peoples sovereignty, equality, the right to self-determination, etc.
The establishment of Soviet power in the center and in the regions meant creation of a new state apparatus:
- The highest legislative body of the country was proclaimed Congress of Soviets. During the breaks between congresses, legislative functions were performed by All-Russian Central Executive Committee(VTsIK).
- The supreme executive body was Council of People's Commissars(SNK), which also had the right of legislative initiative.
- Instead of the former ministries, people's commissariats(People's Commissariats), which performed the functions of managing the economy.
- The entire old system of justice was liquidated. Instead, revolutionary tribunals were established, which were supposed to judge on the basis of "proletarian conscience and revolutionary self-consciousness".
In the first months, an 8-hour working day was established. A decree was issued on the separation of the school from the church, and the church from the state, and the equality of all religious denominations was secured. A decision was made to equalize the rights of men and women in the field of family and political relations.
The government, formed on October 25, 1917, by decision of the Second Congress of Soviets, was temporary and had powers only until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, where the question of state power and the future development of the country was to be decided on a legal basis. But in the elections constituent Assembly(November 1917) the population of the country for the most part did not support the Bolsheviks.
Deputies of the Constituent Assembly January 5, 1918 refused to recognize the legitimacy of the seizure of power carried out by the Bolsheviks in October 1917. In response, the government dissolved this democratically elected assembly on the night of 6 January. In his support, a numerous demonstration of the workers of the Obukhov, Cartridge and other factories of Petrograd took place, which was shot by the Red Guard.
In November 1917, the Council of People's Commissars abolished all pre-revolutionary estates and ranks. A single name was established for the entire population - citizens of the Russian Republic. But unlike the bourgeois revolutions in the West, which proclaimed the equality of all citizens before the law, the proletarian revolution established other principles. In accordance with the Constitution of the RSFSR(July 1918), part of the population was deprived of almost all rights and fell into the category ʼʼdisenfranchisedʼʼ*. These included people living on unearned income, private traders, church ministers, former employees police, members of the royal family, as well as persons who ʼʼ resort to hired labor for the purpose of making a profit ʼʼ.ʼʼDisenfranchisedʼʼ did not have voting rights, they could not hold many government positions. These restrictions also applied to peasants who hired seasonal workers. The deprivation of rights extended to all family members, incl. and for children who could no longer complete higher education, they were denied access even in comprehensive schools etc.
in 1918, the Bolsheviks ousted the Left and Right SRs, Mensheviks and other socialists from all state structures, and Soviet authority has become synonymous ʼʼbolshevik powerʼʼ.
Under the threat of the fall of Petrograd, the Soviet government agreed to accept the German terms, but Germany immediately began to tighten them: now she already laid claim to most of Ukraine, North Caucasus and etc.
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Under the terms of the peace treaty, a territory of 750 thousand square meters was to pass to Germany. km, where more than 50 million people lived, there was a third of all railways in the country and the main metallurgical plants, coal mines of Donbass, etc.
Plus, Russia had to pay a huge indemnity in food, raw materials, and gold.
in a country with a heavy feeling, the population regarded it as a humiliation and disgrace.
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But nevertheless, Russia received a peaceful respite, and the Bolsheviks managed to retain power (note that the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was annulled on November 13, 1918, ᴛ.ᴇ. a day after the signing of the truce in the Compiègne forest near Paris, which meant the actual end of the First World War) .
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Topic 10. "War Communism" as a stage in the formation of the command-administrative system (1917-1921). Lecture No. 10 (2 hours) PLAN: 1. The formation of Soviet power. 2. The first economic measures of the Soviet government. 3. The policy of "war communism" Soviet power ... .
At the Second Congress of Soviets, which opened in Smolny on the evening of October 25 (out of 650 delegates, 390 Bolsheviks and 150 Left Socialist-Revolutionaries), after the failure of an attempt to avoid bloodshed and create a general democratic or homogeneous socialist government, Y. Martov and those who stood behind him ....
HODZ AFTER THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION At the end of Oct. 1917 Soviet power was established in Russia. In the spring of 1918, the Kuban workers, under the leadership of the Bolsheviks, took power into their own hands. In uniting the revolutionary forces of the Adyghe people with the Russians, a decisive role ... .
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Key dates and events: October 25 - armed uprising in Petrograd, the beginning of the work of the II All-Russian Congress of Soviets; October 26 - the adoption of the Decree on Peace, the Decree on Land, the formation of the Council of People's Commissars headed by V.I. Lenin; October 25, 1917 - March 1918 - the establishment of Soviet power ... .
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The formation of Soviet power
The formation of Soviet power in Russia became possible as a result of the 2nd Congress of the Bolsheviks, which actually crowned the revolution and the forcible seizure of power. This contributed to giving legitimacy to those actions that led to the collapse of the Russian empire and the overthrow of the emperor.
To understand the events of that era, it is necessary to consider the chronology of events in terms of the formation of Soviet socialist power in Russia. It will show the sequence of actions of Lenin with his comrades-in-arms, as well as their key steps that contributed to the formation of Soviet power.
Let's start with the fact that the October coup ended with the opening of the 2nd Congress of Soviets. It happened at the end of the day on October 25, 1917 in Petrograd, in the Smolny Palace. With short breaks, the congress lasted until October 27 inclusive. The meeting was attended by:
Bolsheviks - 390 people.
Socialist-Revolutionaries (left and right wing) - 190 people.
Mensheviks - 72 people.
SD-internationalists - 14 people.
Ukrainian nationalists - 7 people.
Menshevik-internationalists - 6 people.
In total, 739 people attended the meeting, most of which belonged to the Bolsheviks, allowing them to manage the processes of this meeting. The Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks put forward a demand to recognize the illegality of the power of the Bolsheviks, since it was seized as a result of a coup d'état! This demand was not satisfied and the representatives of the opposition left the hall. Thus began the formation of Soviet power, which is simply impossible to describe briefly.
The first decrees of the Soviet country
The 2nd All-Russian Congress of Soviets continued at 11 am on October 26. On it, Lenin read out the "Decree on Peace", which obliges Russia to start peace negotiations without annexation and indemnity, as well as an immediate truce for 3 months for negotiations. In this document there was a clause according to which all nationalities, previously included by force into Russia, have the right to independence.
The formation of Soviet power took place at an accelerated pace. The Bolsheviks understood that if they did not give the people what they wanted in the shortest possible time, they would not hold out in governing the country for a long time. At the 2nd Congress of Soviets, the Bolsheviks, who clearly defined measures that could strengthen the formation of the state, adopted a directive on peace, a directive on land and a directive on power.
The land directive was announced at 2 am on October 26, 1917. It completely abolished private ownership of land. An egalitarian system of land distribution was introduced throughout the country, while the authorities undertook to periodically produce new sections. The Bolsheviks were not in favor of such a reform. In the form in which it was adopted, this was one of the provisions of the Socialist-Revolutionary program. But they accepted this directive, essentially a Socialist-Revolutionary one, in order to win the love of the peasants. They succeeded. Briefly, the decree on land can be presented as follows:
all transactions with land that becomes completely state property are prohibited;
hired labor on land is prohibited;
All land pass into the ownership of the state, which provides it to all citizens without exception;
land is provided free of charge, no rents are allowed;
those unable to cultivate the land for health reasons receive a state pension.
The next directive of the Bolsheviks on power was that all power in the country now belonged to the Soviets.
The first steps in the formation of the Soviet country
After the adoption of the main directives that the common people demanded, the Bolsheviks set about reforming the country. IN short time the following directives were adopted for the formation of order in the Soviet state. October 29 - directive on the eight-hour working day. November 2 - directive on the equality of the peoples of Russia. November 10 - directive on the liquidation of the estates. November 20 - Decree on the recognition of the national culture of the country's Muslims. December 18 - Decree on the equalization of the rights of men and women. January 26, 1918 - the decision on the withdrawal of the church from the state.
On January 10, 1918, after the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the 3rd Congress of Soviets of Soldiers' and Workers' Deputies took place. Soon the peasant deputies also joined him. This meeting completed the formation of the Soviet authorities, as well as the adoption of the directive on the rights of workers.
In July 1918, the 5th Congress of Soviets was held. As a result, the name of the country was determined - the Russian Socialist Federative Socialist Republic. In addition, the country's constitution was approved. The Congress of Soviets was designated as the supreme body of the state. Executive legislation was assigned to the Council of People's Commissars. The 5th Congress of Soviets ended with the adoption of the emblem and flag of the state.
The formation of Soviet power was actually completed, in the future it was already required to keep it.
II Congress of Soviets. The first decrees of Soviet power. On the evening of October 25, the II All-Russian Congress Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Of the 739 delegates, 338 were Bolsheviks, 127 mandates belonged to the left wing of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, which supported the Bolshevik idea of an armed uprising. The Mensheviks and Right Socialist-Revolutionaries sharply condemned the actions of the Bolsheviks and demanded that the congress begin negotiations with the Provisional Government on the formation of a new Cabinet of Ministers based on all sectors of society. Not having received the approval of the congress, the Menshevik and Right Social Revolutionary factions left the meeting. Thus, they deprived themselves of the opportunity to take part in the formation of new authorities, and hence the opportunity to correct the actions of the Bolsheviks "from within". The Left SRs initially also did not accept the proposal of the Bolsheviks to enter the government. They were afraid of a final break with their party, hoping that in the future a coalition government would nevertheless be formed from representatives of all socialist parties.
Taking into account the sad experience of the Provisional Government, which lost its credibility due to its unwillingness to solve the main problems of the revolution, Lenin immediately proposed that the Second Congress of Soviets adopt decrees on peace, land and power.
The Decree on Peace proclaimed Russia's withdrawal from the war. The congress turned to all the belligerent governments and peoples with a proposal for a general peace without annexations and indemnities.
The Decree on Land was based on 242 local peasant orders to the First Congress of Soviets, which set out the peasants' ideas about agrarian reform. The peasants demanded the abolition of private ownership of land, the establishment of egalitarian land use with periodic redistribution of land. These demands were never put forward by the Bolsheviks, they were an integral part of the Socialist-Revolutionary program. But Lenin was well aware that without the support of the peasantry, it would hardly be possible to retain power in the country, so he intercepted their agrarian program from the Socialist-Revolutionaries. And the peasants followed the Bolsheviks.
The Decree on Power proclaimed the universal transfer of power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. Congress elected new composition All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK). It included 62 Bolsheviks and 29 Left Social Revolutionaries. A certain number of seats were also left to other socialist parties. Executive power was transferred to the interim government - the Council of People's Commissars (SNK) - headed by V. I. Lenin. During the discussion and adoption of each decree, it was emphasized that they were of a temporary nature - until the convocation of the Constituent Assembly, which would have to legislate the principles of the state system.
On November 2, 1917, the Soviet government adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Peoples of Russia. It formulated the most important provisions that determined the national policy of the Soviet government: the equality and sovereignty of the peoples of Russia, the right of the peoples of Russia to free self-determination, up to secession and the formation of an independent state, the abolition of all and any national and national-religious privileges and restrictions, the free development of national minorities.
On November 20, 1917, the Soviet government issued an appeal "To all the working Muslims of Russia and the East", in which it announced beliefs and customs, national and cultural institutions working Muslims free and inviolable.
On December 18, the civil rights of men and women were equalized. On January 23, 1918, a decree was issued on the separation of the church from the state and the school from the church. October 29, 1918 i. The All-Russian Congress of Unions of Workers' and Peasants' Youth announced the creation of the Russian Communist Youth Union (RKSM).
In December 1917, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) was created under the Council of People's Commissars to "combat counter-revolution, sabotage and profiteering" - the first punitive body of Soviet power. It was headed by F. E. Dzerzhinsky. The decrees of the new government were met with satisfaction by many sections of the population. They were also supported by the All-Russian Congresses of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies, held in November and early December 1917. The congresses decided to merge the Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies with the Central Executive Committee of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The support of the peasantry for the Bolshevik Decree on Land brought the right SRs to the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, and the left to the government. In November-December 1917, seven representatives of the Left SRs entered the Council of People's Commissars.
The fate of the Constituent Assembly. Standing in opposition to the Bolshevik government, the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries for the time being did not attempt to overthrow it by force, since initially this path was unpromising due to the obvious popularity of the Bolshevik slogans among the masses. The bet was made on an attempt to seize power by legal means - with the help of the Constituent Assembly.
The demand for the convocation of the Constituent Assembly appeared in the course of the first Russian revolution. It was included in the programs of almost all political parties. The Bolsheviks waged their campaign against the Provisional Government, among other things, under the slogan of defending the Constituent Assembly, accusing the government of delaying elections to it.
Having come to power, the Bolsheviks changed their attitude towards the Constituent Assembly, declaring that the Soviets were a more acceptable form of democracy. But since the idea of the Constituent Assembly was very popular among the people, and besides, all parties had already put up their lists for elections, the Bolsheviks did not dare to cancel them.
The results of the elections deeply disappointed the Bolshevik leaders. 23.9% of voters voted for them, 40% voted for the Socialist-Revolutionaries, and the right-wing Socialist-Revolutionaries prevailed in the lists. The Mensheviks received 2.3% and the Cadets 4.7% of the vote. The leaders of all the major Russian and national parties, the entire liberal and democratic elite were elected members of the Constituent Assembly.
On January 3, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People written by V. I. Lenin. The Declaration recorded all the changes that had taken place since October 25, which were regarded as the basis for the subsequent socialist reorganization of society. It was decided to submit this document as the main one for adoption by the Constituent Assembly.
On January 5, the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, a demonstration was held in Petrograd in its defense, organized by the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks. By order of the authorities, she was shot.
The Constituent Assembly opened and proceeded in a tense atmosphere of confrontation. The meeting room was filled with armed sailors, supporters of the Bolsheviks. Their behavior went beyond the norms of parliamentary ethics. Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee Ya. M. Sverdlov read out the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People and proposed to adopt it, thereby legitimizing the existence of Soviet power and its first decrees. But the Constituent Assembly refused to approve this document. A discussion began on the draft laws on peace and land proposed by the Social Revolutionaries. On January 6, early in the morning, the Bolsheviks announced their resignation from the Constituent Assembly. Following them, the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries also left the meeting. The discussion, which continued after the departure of the ruling parties, was interrupted late at night by the head of the guard, sailor A. Zheleznyakov, saying that "the guard was tired." He urged the delegates to leave the premises.
On the night of January 6-7, 1918, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly. The dissolution of the Constituent Assembly made a stunning impression on the parties of revolutionary democracy. Hope was lost for a peaceful way to remove the Bolsheviks from power. Now many considered it necessary to carry out an armed struggle against the Bolsheviks.
The formation of Soviet statehood. On January 10, 1918, the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies opened. Three days later he was joined by delegates from the III All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Peasants' Deputies. Thus, the unification of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies into a single state system was completed. The United Congress adopted the Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People.
In July 1918, the Fifth All-Russian Congress of Soviets met. The main result of his work was the adoption of the Constitution, which legislated the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of Soviet power. It was emphasized that the dictatorship of the proletariat aims to suppress the bourgeoisie, abolish exploitation and build socialism. The Constitution fixed the federal structure of the country and its name - the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR). The All-Russian Congress of Soviets was recognized as the supreme body of power, and in the intervals - the All-Russian Central Executive Committee elected by it. Executive power belonged to the Council of People's Commissars.
The Constitution defined the fundamental rights and obligations of citizens. Everyone was obliged to work (“Let not the worker not eat”), to protect the gains of the socialist revolution, to defend the socialist Fatherland. Some categories of the population were restricted in their rights. Thus, people who used hired labor for profit or lived on unearned income, former employees of the tsarist police, and priests were deprived of their voting rights. The workers were assigned electoral advantages in comparison with the peasants: 5 votes of the peasants were equated to one vote of the worker.
The 5th Congress also approved the State flag and coat of arms of the RSFSR.
Separate peace or revolutionary war? One of the most difficult questions of Russian reality was the question of the war. The Bolsheviks promised the people its speedy completion. However, in the party itself there was no unity on this issue, since it was most closely connected with one of the fundamental provisions of the Bolshevik doctrine - with the idea of world revolution. The essence of this idea was that the victory of the socialist revolution in backward Russia could be ensured only if similar revolutions took place in the developed capitalist countries and the European proletariat assisted the Russian in eliminating backwardness and building a socialist society. Another idea flowed from the doctrine of the world revolution - the idea of a revolutionary war, with the help of which the victorious Russian proletariat would support the proletariat of other countries in fomenting war with their own bourgeoisie. At the same time, the main stake was placed on the German proletariat. Therefore, it was originally planned that the Bolsheviks would offer all powers to conclude a democratic peace, and in case of refusal, they would start a revolutionary war with world capital.
November 7, 1917 People's Commissar for foreign affairs L. D. Trotsky addressed the governments of all the belligerent powers with a proposal to conclude a general democratic peace. A few days later, the Soviet government repeated its proposal again, but only Germany agreed to start negotiations.
According to the logic of Bolshevik principles, it was time to start a revolutionary war. However, after becoming head of state, V. I. Lenin dramatically changed his attitude to this issue. He urgently demanded the immediate conclusion of a separate peace with Germany, since in the conditions of the collapse of the army and the crisis of the economy, the German offensive threatened an imminent catastrophe for the country, and therefore for the Soviet government. At least a short respite was needed for economic stabilization and the creation of an army.
The proposal of Lenin and his few supporters was opposed by a group of prominent Bolsheviks, later called "Left Communists". Its leader was N. I. Bukharin. This group categorically insisted on the continuation of the revolutionary war, which was supposed to ignite the fire of the world revolution. Unlike Lenin, Bukharin saw the threat to Soviet power not in the offensive of the German army, but in the fact that hatred of the Bolsheviks would inevitably unite the warring Western powers for a joint campaign against Soviet power. And only the international revolutionary front will be able to resist the united imperialist front. The conclusion of peace with Germany will undoubtedly weaken the chances of a revolutionary action in her, and hence the chances of a world revolution. Bukharin's position was supported by the Left SRs.
Compromise, but not devoid of logic, was the position of L. D. Trotsky, expressed by the formula: "We do not stop the war, we demobilize the army, but we do not sign peace." This approach was based on the belief that Germany was not capable of conducting major offensive operations and that the Bolsheviks did not need to discredit themselves by negotiations. Trotsky did not rule out the possibility of signing peace, but only if the German offensive began. At the same time, it will become clear to the international workers' movement that peace is a forced measure, and not the result of a Soviet-German agreement.
Most of the party organizations were against the signing of peace. However, V. I. Lenin defended his position with incredible persistence.
L. D. Trotsky, who headed the Russian delegation, dragged out negotiations with the Germans in every possible way, believing that they had put forward territorial claims unacceptable to Russia. On the evening of January 28 (February 10), 1918, he announced the break in negotiations.
On February 18 (according to the new style introduced in Russia on February 14, 1918), the Germans launched an offensive and, without encountering serious resistance, began to quickly move inland.
On February 23, the Soviet government received a German ultimatum. The terms of the peace proposed in it were much harder than before. With incredible difficulty, only with the help of the threat of his resignation, V. I. Lenin managed to persuade the insignificant majority of the Central Committee of the party, and then the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, to adopt a resolution on signing the treaty on German terms.
On March 3, 1918, a separate peace treaty between Russia and Germany was signed in Brest-Litovsk.
Under the terms of the Brest Peace, Poland, Lithuania, part of Latvia, Belarus and Transcaucasia were torn away from Russia. The Soviet government was to withdraw its troops from Latvia and Estonia, as well as from Finland, which gained independence according to the decree of the SPK of December 18 (31), 1917. The army was also to leave Ukraine, where, at the invitation of its government, Austro-German troops were introduced.
The economic policy of the new government. Economic relations between town and country in the first half of Soviet power were built according to the scheme inherited by the Bolsheviks from the Provisional Government. While maintaining the grain monopoly and fixed prices, the Soviet government received grain through barter. The People's Commissar for Food had at his disposal items of industrial production and, under certain conditions, sent them to the village, stimulating the delivery of grain.
However, in conditions of all-encompassing instability, the lack of necessary industrial goods, the peasants were in no hurry to give bread to the government. In addition, in the spring of 1918, the grain regions of Ukraine, the Kuban, the Volga region, and Siberia were cut off from the center. The threat of famine loomed over Soviet territory. In the end of April 1918 The daily norm of bread rations in Petrograd was reduced to 50 g. In Moscow, workers received an average of 100 g per day. Food riots began in the country.
On May 13, 1918, the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee and the Council of People's Commissars "On granting the People's Commissariat of Food emergency powers to combat the rural bourgeoisie, hiding grain stocks and speculating with them" was published. Consumption norms for peasants were established - 12 poods of grain per person, 1 pood of cereals, etc. Everything else was called "surplus" and was subject to seizure. To accomplish this task, armed working detachments were created throughout the country - food detachments, endowed with emergency powers.
But the Bolsheviks feared that the "crusade" announced by the city to the countryside might cause a backlash - the unification of the entire peasantry for an organized grain blockade. Therefore, stakes were placed on splitting the countryside, on opposing the rural poor to all other peasants.
On June 11, 1918, despite the violent objections of the Left SRs, a decree was issued on the formation of committees of the rural poor. Kombeds were entrusted with the function of assisting local food authorities in detecting and seizing grain surpluses from "kulaks and the rich." For their services, the “committees” received remuneration in the form of a certain share of the grain seized by them. The duties of the commanders also included the distribution of bread, basic necessities and agricultural implements among the peasants.
This decree played the role of an exploding bomb in the countryside. He destroyed the centuries-old foundations, traditions and moral guidelines of the peasantry, sowed enmity and hatred among fellow villagers.
Having come to power, the Bolsheviks were able to implement the ideas put forward earlier. It was about introducing workers' control over the production and distribution of products. It was also necessary to nationalize all the country's banks and create a single nationwide bank.
On November 14, 1917, a decree and the Regulations on Workers' Control were adopted. The nationalization of private banks in Petrograd began, banking was declared a state monopoly. A single people's bank of the Russian Republic was created.
On November 17, 1917, the factory of the Likinskaya Manufactory Association (near Orekhovo-Zuev) was nationalized by decree of the Council of People's Commissars. In December 1917, several enterprises in the Urals and the Putilov plant in Petrograd were nationalized.
Initially, nationalization was only a response to hostile steps on the part of entrepreneurs. Moreover, it was carried out exclusively in relation to individual enterprises, and not to the industry, especially to industry as a whole, that is, it was dictated not by economic expediency, but by political motives.
The first results of the economic policy of the new government were deplorable. The idea of workers' control discredited itself, plunging industry into unimaginable chaos and anarchy. This also affected agriculture: there are no necessary industrial goods - the peasants hide the grain. Hence the famine in the cities, the threat to the existence of the new government.
At the beginning of April 1918, V.I. Lenin announced his decision to change the internal political course. His plan called for an end to nationalization and expropriation and the preservation of private capital. According to V. I. Lenin, in order to stabilize Soviet power, it was necessary to begin technical cooperation with the big bourgeoisie, restore the authority of the administration at enterprises, and introduce strict labor discipline based on material incentives. Lenin suggested that bourgeois specialists be widely involved in cooperation and was ready to abandon the Marxist principle of equal pay for worker and official. The mixed economic order he conceived was called state capitalism.
However, this new course has not received practical development. The introduction of emergency measures in the agricultural sector required appropriate decisions in other sectors of the economy. The Congress of Soviets, which met in May 1918 in Moscow National economy rejected both state capitalism and workers' control, proclaiming a course towards the nationalization of the most important branches of industry. This course was enshrined in a decree of the Council of People's Commissars of June 28, 1918. The functions of managing nationalized enterprises were transferred to the Supreme Council of the National Economy (VSNKh), which was created in December 1917 to coordinate and unify the activities of all economic bodies and institutions, both central and local.
Thus, the policy of the Bolsheviks in the first post-revolutionary period was characterized by a desire to establish a one-party dictatorship. In the economic sphere, it has gone from "socialization of the land" and "workers' control" to food dictatorship, committees, broad nationalization and strict centralization.
DOCUMENT
FROM THE PEASANT MANDALE ABOUT THE LAND (MANDACH 242)
The question of land, in all its scope, can be resolved only by a popular Constituent Assembly. The most just solution of the land question should be as follows:
1) The right of private ownership of land is abolished forever; land may not be sold, bought, leased or pledged, or alienated in any other way. All land ... is alienated free of charge, turned into the property of the whole people and transferred to the use of all those who work on it ...
6) The right to use land is received by all citizens (without distinction of gender) Russian state who wish to work it with their own labor ... Wage labor is not allowed ...
7) Land use must be egalitarian, i.e., the land is distributed among the working people, depending on local conditions, according to labor or consumption standards ...
8) All land, after its alienation, goes to the nationwide land fund. Local and central self-government bodies are in charge of distributing it among the working people...
The land fund is subject to periodic redistribution, depending on population growth and raising the productivity and culture of agriculture.
End of work -
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Danilov A. A
D18 History of Russia, XX - beginning of the XXI century: Proc. for 9 cells. general education institutions / A. A. Danilov, L. G. Kosulina, A. V. Pyzhikov. - 10th ed. - M.: Education, 2003. - 400 p. : ill., maps. -IS
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On the need for industrialization. From a letter from S.Yu. Witte Nicholas II
At present, the political strength of the Great Powers, which are called upon to solve the grandiose historical tasks in the world, is created not only by the strength of the spirit of their peoples, but also by their economic structure.
Economic development of Russia at the beginning of the 20th century
The role of the state in the Russian economy. The most important feature of Russia was the presence of a huge public sector in economics. Its core was the so-called state-owned factories, mainly specialized
From the report of the Minister of Finance S.Yu. Witte
...Voices have recently been heard against the influx of capital from abroad, insisting that it causes damage to the basic interests of the people, that it seeks to absorb all the income of the growing
Domestic policy in 1894 - 1904
Nicholas II. On October 20, 1894, the emperor died Alexander III. Her son Nicholas II ascended the throne. Nikolai Alexandrovich Romanov was born on May 6, 1868, and the day of St. John the Long-suffering
The social structure of Russian society at the beginning of the 20th century
Structure features Russian society.At the beginning of the 20th century. there have been significant changes in social structure Russian society. In official state documents, the entire population of the country
From the memoirs of the largest entrepreneur Vladimir Ryabushinsky
The Moscow industrialist sat in his barn or in his factory, like an appanage prince in his principality, snorted at Petersburg and got along without him. Meanwhile, Petersburg banks are becoming more and more connected
Foreign policy. Russo-Japanese War
The "Great Plan" of Nicholas II. The foreign policy of Nicholas II and the first period of his reign were determined by at least three important factors. First, sincere intention to continue foreign policy
From the note of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs: August 12, 1898
The ever-increasing burden of financial hardship is fundamentally undermining social welfare. The spiritual and physical forces of the peoples, labor and capital are abstracted for the most part from the natural
First Russian Revolution
Causes and nature of the revolution. The first revolution in Russia began as a result of a sharp aggravation of the political and socio-economic situation. The reasons for this lay in the previous period.
From the petition of the workers and residents of St. Petersburg to Nicholas II. January 9, 1905
Popular representation is necessary ... Let everyone be equal and free in the right to elect - and for this they ordered that elections to the Constituent Assembly take place under the condition of universal, secret and
Changes in the political system of the Russian Empire
"Top" in the conditions of the revolution. Formation of the State Duma. In the context of the growing revolution, the tsarist government chose the tactic of splitting the emerging united revolutionary front. From one with
From the program of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party
1. Cancellation of redemption payments, as well as all duties that currently fall on the peasantry as a taxable estate. 2. The abolition of all laws that restrict the peasant at his disposal
From the program of the Socialist Revolutionary Party
... In matters of agrarian policy ... The Party of Socialist-Revolutionaries sets itself the goal of using both communal and general
Stolypin's reforms
Duma of People's Hopes. On April 27, 1906, in the presence of Nicholas II, the grand opening of the First State Duma took place The largest number seats were given to cadets - 179 denu tats and labor
From the Decree to the Governing Senate on November 9, 1906
1. Every householder who owns land on a communal right may at any time demand that the part due to him from the designated land be consolidated into his personal property ... 2. In general
Performances of the peasants of the village of Podberezhye, Sviyazhsk district, Kazan province
Kazan, January 22. The well-known riots ... occurred as a result of the compulsion to separate thirty householders from the community. The society, not agreeing, demanded the removal of the bailiff and the zemstvo boss
Russia in World War I
Rapprochement between Russia and England. Aggravation of Russian-German relations. After the end of the Russian-Japanese war, the sphere of interests of Russian foreign policy again moved to Europe. In diplomacy
From the memoirs of A.A. Brusilova
The advance exceeded all expectations. The front fulfilled the task given to it - to save Italy from defeat and exit from the war, and in addition, it eased the position of the French and British on their front, forced R
Growing internal political crisis
A failed union. Russia's industry quickly changed to a war footing. In 1916, despite the loss of a number of industrial centers in the west of the country, the rate of economic growth
From the speech of P.N. Milyukov, delivered at a meeting of the State Duma. November 1, 1916
We have lost faith in the fact that this power can lead us to victory... When you wait a whole year for a speech by Romania, you insist on this speech, but at a decisive moment we do not
Silver age of Russian culture
The spiritual state of society. Beginning of the XX century. - a turning point not only in the political and socio-economic life of Russia, but also in the spiritual state of society. The industrial age dictated its
February to October
Revolutionary events of February 1917 in Petrograd. At the beginning of 1917, general discontent caused by war weariness, rising prices, speculation, queues, was further intensified due to constant
On the emergency powers of the People's Commissar for Food. From the decree of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of May 13, 1918
...2) To call on all working people and poor peasants to immediately unite for a merciless struggle against the kulaks. 3) Announce everyone who has a surplus of grain and does not take it out to the bulk point
Civil War: Whites
Causes and main stages of the civil war. After the liquidation of the monarchy, the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries were most afraid of a civil war, so they agreed with the Cadets. The Bolsheviks considered civil
General grounds for the political program of General L.G. Kornilov. January 1918
I. Restoration of the rights of citizenship: - all citizens are equal before the law without distinction of sex and nationality; - destruction of class privileges; - preservation of inviolability
Civil War: Reds
Creation of the Red Army. On January 15, 1918, a decree of the Council of People's Commissars proclaimed the creation of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, and on January 29, the Red Fleet. The army was built on the principles of voluntariness and class p
A.I. Denikin on the Red Army
By the spring of 1918, the complete failure of the Red Guard was finally revealed. The organization of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army began. It was built on the principles of the old, swept aside revolution
Order of the chairman of the revolutionary military council of the republic to the troops and Soviet institutions of the southern front No. 65. November 24, 1918
1. Any scoundrel who will incite to retreat, desertion, failure to comply with a combat order will be SHOT. 2. Any soldier of the Red Army who arbitrarily leaves the combat
Between white and red
"Democratic counter-revolution". Initially, after the performance of the Czechoslovak corps, the front-line stage of the civil war was characterized by a struggle between socialist forces - the Bolsheviks and the former
From the resolution of the participants in the rally on the anchor square of Kronstadt. March 1, 1921
1. In view of the fact that the real Soviets do not express the will of the workers and peasants, to immediately hold a re-election of the Soviets by secret ballot, and to carry out free preliminary campaigning before the elections.
New economic policy
Lessons from Kronstadt. Consequences of the Civil War. The events of the spring of 1921 were regarded by the Bolsheviks as a serious political crisis. The Kronstadt rebellion, according to the definition of V. I. Lenin, was more dangerous for
From the report of V.I. Lenin "The New Economic Policy and the Tasks of the Political Enlightenment". October 17, 1921
Partly under the influence of the military tasks that flooded over us and the seemingly desperate situation in which the republic was then, at the end of the imperialist war, under the influence of these
The development of the political process in the 20s
The political meaning of NEP. The transition to a new economic policy was perceived ambiguously. The liberal intelligentsia saw in the NEP the recognition by the Bolsheviks of the fact that Russia was not ready for a quick
K.B. Radek on the bureaucratization of the CPSU(b). 1926
... What is the expression of the bureaucratic regime in the party? In that: 1. What the party apparatus decides for the party. 2. That at party meetings every member of the party is afraid to criticize party organs and party
Foreign policy
Comintern. Determining the reasons for the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Civil War, it is necessary to keep in mind and international factor. Large-Scale Intervention foreign countries did not take place later
From the report of N.I. Bukharin at the IV Congress of the Comintern. November 18, 1922
We want to clearly establish in the program that the proletarian state must be defended not only by the proletarians of this country, but also by the proletarians of all countries... Then we must stipulate
From the statement of the Soviet delegation at the first plenary session of the Genoa Conference. April 10, 1922
Remaining on the point of view of the principles of communism, the Russian delegation recognizes that in the current historical era, which makes possible the parallel existence of the old and emerging new social
Spiritual life: achievements and losses
Fight against illiteracy. Construction of the Soviet school. V. I. Lenin called the illiteracy of the Russian population one of the main enemies of the socialist revolution. Resolute, almost howling, became popular.
From a note by V.I. Lenin. March 19, 1922
Precisely now and only now, when people are being eaten in hungry areas and hundreds, if not thousands of corpses are lying on the roads, we can (and therefore must!)
The economic system in the 30s
Grain procurement crisis. In 1927, the sale of grain and other products by peasants to the state was sharply reduced. This was caused by low purchase prices for grain, a shortage of manufactured goods
From the speech of N.I. Bukharin at the joint plenum of the Central Committee and Central Control Commission of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks on April 18, 1929
The notorious "theory" that the further one goes to socialism, the more the class struggle must become more acute and the more difficult
The political system in the 30s
Features of the political system of the USSR in the 30s. The role of the party in the life of the state. The grandiose tasks set before the country demanded centralization and exertion of all forces. They led to the formation
The social system in the 30s
Working class. To carry out Stalin's plans for industrialization, a huge amount of labor was required. The shortage of skilled workers was compensated by their number. To fulfill five
From the letters of the population to the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR M.I. Kalinin. 1937
Dear leaders, you see very blindly, you only hear at all sorts of congresses, meetings, a certain amount in everything happy people in the person of the delegates, as well as our entire press rubs you
The foreign policy of the USSR in the 30s
"New course" of Soviet diplomacy. In 1933 i. in connection with the coming to power in Germany of the Nazis, headed by A. Hitler, the alignment of political forces in Europe changed. In Soviet foreign policy,
Secret additional protocol between Germany and the Soviet Union of August 23, 1939
At the signing of the non-aggression pact between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the undersigned plenipotentiaries of both parties discussed matters in strict confidence
Spiritual life of Soviet society
Development of education. 30s went down in the history of our country as a period of cultural revolution. This concept meant a significant increase in comparison with the pre-revolutionary time
On socialist realism. From a letter from A.V. Lunacharsky to the organizing committee of the Union of Soviet Writers. February 1933
Imagine that a house is being built and when it is built it will be a magnificent palace. But it has not been completed yet, and you will draw it in this form and say: "Here is your socialism - but there is no roof."
USSR on the eve of the Great Patriotic War
Beginning of World War II and the Soviet Union. On September 1, 1939, Germany began the war against Wormwood. This day is considered the beginning of World War II. Polish troops were quickly defeated, the ruler
From the report of V.M. Molotov at the session of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. October 31, 1939
It turned out that a short blow to Poland, first by the German army and then by the Red Army, was enough to leave nothing of this ugly offspring of the Treaty of Versailles.
The beginning of the Great Patriotic War
The eve of the war. In the spring of 1941, the approach of war was felt by everyone. Soviet intelligence reported almost daily to Stalin about Hitler's plans. Soviet intelligence officer Richard Sorge reported not only about the transfer
From the speech of I.V. Stalin at a reception in honor of graduates of military academies. May 5, 1941
We carried out a line on the defensive until we rearmed our army ... and now we need to move from defense to offensive. QUESTIONS AND TASKS: 1. Why did V. Stalin think that
The German offensive of 1942 and the first prerequisites for a radical change
The situation at the front in the spring of 1942. The plans of the parties. The victory near Moscow gave rise to the hopes of the Soviet leadership for the possibility of a quick defeat of the German troops and the end of the war. In January 1942, Stalin
From the comments and suggestions on the master plan "ost" of the Reichsführer SS Himmler
This is not only about the defeat of the state with its center in Moscow ... The point is most likely to defeat the Russians as a people, to divide them ... It is important that the population on Russian territory
Soviet rear in the Great Patriotic War
Soviet society in the first period of the war. The German attack radically changed the life and way of life Soviet people. In the early days, not everyone realized the reality of the threat that had arisen: people believed in the pre-war
From a speech on the radio by I.V. Stalin. July 3, 1941
Comrades! Citizens! Brothers and sisters! Soldiers of our army and navy! I appeal to you, my friends! The perfidious attack of Nazi Germany on our Motherland, launched on June 22, continues ... The enemy is cruel
From the memoirs of General A.P. Beloborodov about the work of transport
Twelve long days and nights we waited for this hour. We knew that we were going to defend Moscow, but we were not told the final destination of the route. Not when the 78th rifle division loaded into trains, no sweat
A radical change in the course of the Great Patriotic War
Battle for the Caucasus. In the summer of 1942, a catastrophic situation for the Red Army developed in the North Caucasus. After the fall of Rostov-on-Don, the road for the Germans to the south was open, since no Ukrainian
From the memoirs of a member of the military council of the Don Front A.S. Chuyanov about the end of the Battle of Stalingrad
The ring of encirclement shrinks every day. The fascist command sends food and ammunition to the "cauldron". Pilots drop "gifts" in containers on parachutes ... I witnessed
Peoples of the USSR in the fight against German fascism
Multinational Soviet people on the fronts of the war. When planning an attack on the USSR, Hitler believed that the multinational Soviet power would fall apart under the blow of his armies, "like a house of cards." But this
USSR at the final stage of World War II
The military-strategic situation by the beginning of 1944 By the beginning of 1944, Germany had suffered significant losses, but was still a strong adversary. Almost 2/3 of its divisions (up to 5 million people) it holds
In honor of the commanders of the Red Army. May 24, 1945
Our government made many mistakes, we had moments of desperate situation in 1941 - 1942, when our army retreated, left our native villages and cities ... because there was no other way out
Economic recovery
The state of the economy of the USSR after the end of the war. The war turned out to be huge human and material losses for the USSR. It claimed almost 27 million human lives. 1710 cities and towns were destroyed
From the responses of Soviet people to the reduction in retail prices for food products in 1952
Voznesensky R.N., student: Congratulations to everyone on the price reduction. Despite the difficult international situation, our country is growing, building and strengthening. Vadyukhin P. V., economist Head
Political development
The "democratic impulse" of the war. The war managed to change the socio-political atmosphere that prevailed in the USSR in the 1930s. The very situation at the front and in the rear forced people to think creatively, act
From the decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. February 21, 1948
1. To oblige the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs of all spies, saboteurs, terrorists, Trotskyists, rightists, Mensheviks, Socialist-Revolutionaries, anarchists, nationalists serving sentences in special camps and prisons
Ideology and culture
Restoration of the Iron Curtain. The war awakened in the intelligentsia hopes for the weakening of the party-ideological press. Cultural figures expected that the trend towards relative
Foreign policy
At the origins of the Cold War. The victorious end of the war significantly changed international position Soviet Union, who began to play the role of one of the recognized leaders of the world community. Ofi
From the speech of I.V. Stalin at the XIX Congress of the CPSU. October 1952
Previously, the bourgeoisie allowed itself to be liberal, defended bourgeois-democratic freedoms and thus created popularity among the people. Now there is no trace left of liberalism. No more so on
Changes in the political system
The death of Stalin and the struggle for power. With the death of Stalin on March 5, 1953, an entire era in the life of the country ended. The struggle for power among the leader's heirs was continuous until the spring of 195
Contemporaries about N.S. Khrushchev
I believe that Khrushchev was right, and Beria is even more right. Even worse. We had proof. Both are right. and Mikoyan. But they are all different people. Despite the fact that Khrushchev is a right-wing man, rotten through and through.
Economy of the USSR in 1953 - 1964
Malenkov's economic course. In the early 50s. The country's economy was in serious trouble. After Stalin's death, economic discussions in the leadership flared up with new force. In August 195
From the memoirs of K.F. Katushev, who worked in the 50s. Secretary of the Party Committee of the Gorky Automobile Plant
At the first stage, when economic councils were created taking into account the existing administrative division in each region, they had a beneficial effect on the economic activity of the regions in that they succeeded
Thaw" in the spiritual life. Development of science and education
Overcoming Stalinism in literature and art. The first post-Stalin decade was marked by serious changes in the spiritual life of society. The famous Soviet writer I. Ehrenburg called
Before the figures of literature and art
In questions artistic creativity The Central Committee of the Party will demand from everyone ... the steadfast implementation of the Party line. Does not mean at all that now, after the condemnation of the cult,
The policy of peaceful coexistence: successes and contradictions
In search of a new strategy. Already in the first days after Stalin's death, two different lines in the leadership began to be seen foreign policy countries. Minister of Foreign Affairs V. M. Molotov, believing that "ne
From F. Castro's message to N.S. Khrushchev. October 27, 1962
If aggression occurs ... and the imperialists attack Cuba with the aim of occupying it, then the danger lurking in such an aggressive policy will be so great for all mankind that the Soviet Union
Conservation of the political regime
Strengthening the position of the party-state nomenklatura. With the removal of N. S. Khrushchev and the coming to power of L. I. Brezhnev, a kind of “golden age” began for the party-state apparatus. Nacha
From the directive of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU to Soviet ambassadors and representatives abroad. December 1976
When your interlocutor raises questions about the so-called "dissidents", about the procedure for the departure of citizens from the USSR and other questions with the help of which bourgeois propaganda tries to present in a false
From the note of the KGB and the USSR Prosecutor General's Office to the Central Committee of the CPSU. November 1972
In accordance with the instructions of the Central Committee of the CPSU, the bodies of the Committee state security carry out a lot of preventive work to prevent crimes, suppress attempts to conduct an organized
Public life in the mid-60s - mid-80s
The concept of "developed socialism." The change of course in October 1964 was bound to entail a new ideological justification. Initial curtailment of Khrushchev's democratic endeavors
The policy of detente: hopes and results
Relations with the West. In the middle of the 60s. the international situation remained contradictory for the USSR: the former “socialist camp” united in the past was in a state of split due to “an
From the memoirs of Colonel General B.V. Gromov - commander of a limited contingent of Soviet troops in Afghanistan
On the basis of oral orders of the Minister of Defense Marshal of the Soviet Union D.F. Ustinov in December (1979), more than thirty different directives were issued, in accordance with which
Reform of the political system: goals, stages, results
Prehistory of perestroika. After the death of Brezhnev, Yu. V. Andropov became the head of the party and the state. In one of his first speeches, Andropov acknowledged the existence of many unresolved problems. Taking action
At the XIX All-Union Conference of the CPSU. 1988
The existing political system has been unable to protect us from the growth of stagnation in economic and social life in recent decades and has doomed us to failure in undertaking
From the election platform of A.D. Sakharov. 1989
1. Elimination of the administrative-command system and its replacement by a pluralistic one with market regulators and competition... 2. Social and national justice. Protection of the rights of the individual. ABOUT
From a speech at the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU I.K. Polozkov - First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. January 31, 1991
It is now clear to everyone that perestroika, conceived in 1985 and launched by the party and the people as a renewal of socialism... did not take place. The so-called democrats managed to replace the goals of restructuring
Economic reforms 1985 - 1991
acceleration strategy. In April 1985, the new Soviet leadership announced a policy of accelerating the country's socio-economic development. Its main levers were seen as scientific and technological progress.
From the resolution of the plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU "on the situation in the country and the tasks of the CPSU in connection with the transition of the economy to market relations." October 1990
The Central Committee of the CPSU sees the main point of the transition to the market in that, within the framework of the socialist choice, first of all, to improve the lives of people, to ensure the complete emancipation of their initiative and business activity, with
From the program "500 days". Summer 1990
The main goal of the reform is the economic freedom of citizens and the creation on this basis of an effective economic system capable of ensuring the dynamic development of the national economy and decent level bl
Politics of Glasnost: Achievements and Costs
On the way to "glasnost". If in the economy perestroika began with the setting of acceleration tasks, then in the spiritual and cultural life, "glasnost" became its leitmotif. Greater openness in activities
From the resolution of the XIX All-Union Conference of the CPSU "on Glasnost". 1988
The Conference believes that glasnost has fully justified itself and must be further developed in every possible way. For these purposes, it is considered necessary to create legal guarantees of publicity, for which purpose it is necessary to provide for
From the speech of I.K. Polozkov. January 31, 1991
If earlier the CPSU had a monopoly on glasnost, now this monopoly belongs to the forces opposing it. QUESTIONS AND TASKS: 1. What is "glasnost"? How is it different from free
At the origins of the new Russian statehood
Democratic elections people's deputies RSFSR. On March 4, 1990, elections were held for the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR. They differed from the elections of previous years in that they were held on an alternative basis. G
Russian economy on the way to the market
From the Soviet economic system to the market. The elections of the President of the RSFSR and the August political crisis of 1991 created the prerequisites for decisive action in the economy. October 28, 1991 at the V Congress
From the decree of the President of the RSFSR
"ON MEASURES FOR PRICE LIBERALIZATION" (DECEMBER 3, 1991) In accordance with the resolution of the Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR of November 1, 1991 "On the socio-economic situation
The political life of Russia in the 90s. 20th century
Development of a new Constitution. The decision to develop a new Russian Constitution was already made at the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR in June 1990. The Congress created a Constitutional Commission headed by
In Russian federation". September 21, 1993
A political situation has developed in the Russian Federation that threatens the state and public security of the country. Direct opposition to the implementation of socio-economic reforms
Spiritual life of Russia in the last decade of the 20th century
Historical conditions for the development of culture. The era was reflected in the ideas and images of Russian culture, the features of the spiritual life of the people - the collapse of the USSR and the movement towards democracy, the change in models of social
Building a renewed Federation
Peoples and regions of Russia on the eve and after the collapse of the USSR. Perestroika clearly revealed the need for a decisive renewal of Russia's federal structure. Construction of the updated Fede
Geopolitical position and foreign policy of Russia
Russia's position in the world. With the collapse of the USSR, Russia's position and role in the world have changed. First of all, the world has changed: ended " cold war”, the world system of socialism has gone into the past, the property of the ist
CIS and Baltic countries in the 90s. Russian Abroad
The Baltic States. Having become independent states, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania had to solve many complex problems. 90% of their trade turnover was connected with the CIS countries. The decline in production had catastrophic
Russia on the threshold of the 21st century
President of Russia V. V. Putin. The second President of Russia Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin was born on October 7, 1952. state university, he from 1975 to 1
From the message of the President of the Russian Federation V.V. Putin to the federal assembly. 2000
The strategic task of last year was to strengthen the state - the state represented by all institutions and all levels of government... Today we can already say: the period of "sprawl" of state
Text of the national anthem of the Russian Federation
(words by S. Mikhalkov) Russia is our sacred state, Russia is our beloved country. Mighty will, great glory - Your property for all time! be famous
From the message of the President of Russia V.V. Putin to the federal assembly. 2002
Our goals are unchanged - the democratic development of Russia, the formation of a civilized market and the rule of law ... The most important thing is to raise the standard of living of our people, to create conditions under which
2. The formation of Soviet power
2.1 Introduction
The process of creating a new state covered the period from October 1917, the time of the beginning October revolution, until the summer of 1818, when the Soviet statehood was enshrined in the Constitution. The central thesis of the new government was the idea of exporting the world revolution and the creation of a socialist state. As part of this idea, the slogan "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" was put forward. The main task of the Bolsheviks was the issue of power, so the focus was not on socio-economic transformations, but on strengthening the central and regional authorities.
2.2 The highest bodies of Soviet power
On October 25, 1917, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the Decree on Power, declaring the transfer of all power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The arrest of the Provisional Government, the local liquidation of zemstvo and city governments were the first steps towards the destruction of the administration created by the former government. On October 27, 1917, it was decided to form a Soviet government - the Council of People's Commissars (S/W), which should act until the election of the Constituent Assembly. It included 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Social Revolutionaries. More than 20 People's Commissariats (People's Commissariats) were created instead of ministries. The Congress of Soviets, headed by Lenin, became the supreme legislative body. Between its meetings, legislative functions were carried out by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), headed by L. Kamenev and M. Sverdlov. To combat counter-revolution and sabotage, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), headed by F. Dzerzhinsky, was formed. Revolutionary courts were created for the same purpose. These bodies played a big role in establishing Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
1.3 Constituent Assembly
In November-December 1917, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, during which the Social Revolutionaries received 40% of the vote, the Bolsheviks - 24%, the Mensheviks - 2%. Thus, the Bolsheviks did not receive a majority and, realizing the threat to the sole rule, were forced to disperse the Constituent Assembly. On November 28, a blow was dealt to the Cadet Party - members of the Constituent Assembly, who were members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, P. Dolgorukov, F. Kokoshkin, V. Stepanov, A. Shingarev and others were arrested. At the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which opened on January 5, 1918 In the Taurida Palace, the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs who supported them were in the minority. Most of the delegates refused to recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the government and demanded that all power be transferred to the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, on the night of January 6-7, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved a decree dissolving the Constituent Assembly. Demonstrations in his support were dispersed. Thus, the last democratically elected body collapsed. The repressions that began with the Kadets showed that the Bolsheviks were striving for dictatorship and one-man rule. Civil war became inevitable.
The Decree on Peace is the first decree of Soviet power. It was developed by V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and unanimously adopted on October 26 (November 8), 1917, at the Second Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Deputies after the Russian Provisional Government was overthrown as a result of an armed coup.
The main provisions of the decree:
The Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Government proposes that "all belligerent peoples and their governments begin immediately negotiations on a just democratic peace" - namely, on "immediate peace without annexations and indemnities", that is, without seizures of foreign territories and without forcible recovery from the conquered material or monetary refunds. The continuation of the war is seen as "the greatest crime against humanity".
The Soviet government abolishes secret diplomacy, "expressing its firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly before the whole people, proceeding immediately to the full publication of secret agreements confirmed or concluded by the government of landowners and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917", and "declares unconditionally and immediately canceled » the entire content of these secret treaties.
The Soviet government proposes "to all governments and peoples of all belligerent countries to immediately conclude an armistice" for peace negotiations and the final approval of peace conditions.
1.5 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
On October 25, 1917, power in Petrograd passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, who acted under the slogan: "A world without annexations and indemnities!". It was they who proposed to conclude such a peace to all the belligerent powers in the very first decree of the new government - the Decree on Peace. From mid-November, at the suggestion of the Soviet government, a truce was established on the Russian-German front. It was officially signed on December 2.
The Bolshevik Konstantin Yeremeev wrote: “The truce at the front made the soldiers’ desire to go home, to the village, unstoppable. If after February Revolution leaving the front was a common occurrence, but now 12 million soldiers, the flower of the peasantry, felt themselves superfluous in army units and extremely needed there, at home, where they "divide the land."
The leakage occurred spontaneously, taking on a variety of forms: many simply went away without permission, leaving their units, most of them capturing rifles and cartridges. No less number used any legal method - on vacation, on various business trips ... The timing did not matter, since everyone understood that it was only important to get out of military captivity, and there they would hardly be asked to return. "The Russian trenches were rapidly emptying. In some sectors of the front, by January 1918, not a single soldier remained in the trenches, only in some places there were separate military posts.
Going home, the soldiers took away their weapons, and sometimes even sold them to the enemy. December 9, 1917 in Brest-Litovsk, where the headquarters of the German command was located, peace negotiations began. The Soviet delegation tried to defend the idea of a "peace without annexations and indemnities." January 28, 1918 Germany gave Russia an ultimatum. She demanded to sign an agreement under which Russia was losing Poland, Belarus and part of the Baltic States, a total of 150 thousand square kilometers. This placed the Soviet delegation in front of a severe necessity between the proclaimed principles and the demands of life. According to the principles, war should have been waged, and not a shameful peace with Germany. But they didn't have the strength to fight. The head of the Soviet delegation, Leon Trotsky, like other Bolsheviks, painfully tried to resolve this contradiction. Finally, it seemed to him that he had found a brilliant way out of the situation. On January 28, he delivered his famous peace speech at the talks. In short, it came down to the well-known formula: “Do not sign peace, do not wage war, dissolve the army.” Leon Trotsky said: “We are withdrawing our army and our people from the war. Our soldier-plowman must return to his arable land in order to peacefully cultivate the land which the revolution has handed over from the hands of the landlords to the hands of the peasants. We are withdrawing from the war. We refuse to sanction the conditions which German and Austro-Hungarian imperialism writes with a sword on the body of the living peoples. We cannot sign the Russian revolution under the conditions oppression, grief and misfortune to millions of human beings. The governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary want to own the lands and peoples by the right of military seizure. Let them do their work openly. We cannot consecrate violence. We are withdrawing from the war, but we are forced to refuse to sign peace treaty." After that, he announced the official statement of the Soviet delegation: "Refusing to sign the annexationist treaty, Russia, for its part, declares the state of war terminated. At the same time, the order is given to the Russian troops for complete demobilization along the entire front."
German and Austrian diplomats were at first really shocked by this incredible statement. There was complete silence in the room for several minutes. Then the German General M. Hoffmann exclaimed: "Unheard of!" The head of the German delegation, R. Kuhlmann, immediately concluded: "Consequently, the state of war continues." "Empty threats!" - L. Trotsky said, leaving the meeting room.
However, contrary to the expectations of the Soviet leadership, on February 18, the Austro-Hungarian troops launched an offensive along the entire front. Almost no one opposed them: only bad roads prevented the advance of the armies. On the evening of February 23, they occupied Pskov, on March 3 - Narva. The Red Guard detachment of sailor Pavel Dybenko left this city without a fight. General Mikhail Bonch-Bruevich wrote about him: “Dybenko’s detachment did not inspire confidence in me; it was enough to look at this sailor freemen with mother-of-pearl buttons sewn on wide bell-bottoms, with rollicking manners, to understand that they would not be able to fight with regular German units. Mine fears were justified ... “On February 25, Vladimir Lenin bitterly wrote in the Pravda newspaper: “Painfully shameful reports about the refusal of the regiments to maintain positions, about the refusal to defend even the Narva line, about the failure to comply with the order to destroy everything and everyone during the retreat; let's not talk about flight, chaos, handlessness, helplessness, slovenliness"
On February 19, the Soviet leadership agreed to accept the German terms of peace. But now Germany has put forward much more difficult conditions, demanding fivefold large area. About 50 million people lived on these lands; more than 70% was mined here iron ore and about 90% of the country's coal. In addition, Russia had to pay a huge indemnity.
Soviet Russia was forced to accept these difficult conditions. The head of the new Soviet delegation, Grigory Sokolnikov, read out her statement: “Under the circumstances that have arisen, Russia has no choice. By the fact of the demobilization of its troops, the Russian revolution, as it were, has transferred its fate into the hands of the German people. We do not doubt for a minute that this is the triumph of imperialism and militarism over The international proletarian revolution will prove to be only temporary and coming. After these words, General Hoffmann exclaimed indignantly: "Again the same nonsense!". "We are ready," G. Sokolnikov concluded, "to immediately sign a peace treaty, refusing any discussion of it as completely useless under the circumstances."
Introduction
The formation of Soviet power
The process of creating a new state covered the period from October 1917, the time of the beginning of the October Revolution, to the summer of 1818, when the Soviet statehood was enshrined in the Constitution. The central thesis of the new government was the idea of exporting the world revolution and the creation of a socialist state. As part of this idea, the slogan "Proletarians of all countries, unite!" was put forward. The main task of the Bolsheviks was the issue of power, so the focus was not on socio-economic transformations, but on strengthening the central and regional authorities.
The highest bodies of Soviet power
On October 25, 1917, the Second Congress of Soviets adopted the Decree on Power, declaring the transfer of all power to the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. The arrest of the Provisional Government, the local liquidation of zemstvo and city governments were the first steps towards the destruction of the administration created by the former government. On October 27, 1917, it was decided to form the Soviet government - Council of People's Commissars(S / F), which must be valid until the election of the Constituent Assembly. It included 62 Bolsheviks, 29 Left Social Revolutionaries. More than 20 ministries were created instead People's Commissariats (People's Commissariats). The supreme legislative body was Congress of Soviets headed by Lenin. During the breaks between its meetings, legislative functions were carried out by All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK), headed by L. Kamenev and M. Sverdlov. To combat counter-revolution and sabotage was formed All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK), headed by F. Dzerzhinsky. From the same the goal was to create revolutionary courts. These bodies played a big role in establishing Soviet power and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
1.3 Constituent Assembly
In November-December 1917, elections to the Constituent Assembly were held, during which the Social Revolutionaries received 40% of the vote, the Bolsheviks - 24%, the Mensheviks - 2%. Thus, the Bolsheviks did not receive a majority and, realizing the threat to the sole rule, were forced to disperse the Constituent Assembly. On November 28, a blow was dealt to the Cadet Party - members of the Constituent Assembly, who were members of the Central Committee of the Cadet Party, P. Dolgorukov, F. Kokoshkin, V. Stepanov, A. Shingarev and others were arrested. At the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly, which opened on January 5, 1918 In the Taurida Palace, the Bolsheviks and the Left SRs who supported them were in the minority. Most of the delegates refused to recognize the Council of People's Commissars as the government and demanded that all power be transferred to the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, on the night of January 6-7, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee approved a decree on dissolution of the Constituent Assembly. Demonstrations in his support were dispersed. Thus, the last democratically elected body collapsed. The repressions that began with the Kadets showed that the Bolsheviks were striving for dictatorship and one-man rule. Civil war became inevitable.
The Decree on Peace is the first decree of Soviet power. Designed by V. I. Ulyanov (Lenin) and unanimously adopted on October 26 (November 8, 1917) by the Second Congress of Soviets of Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Deputies after the Russian Provisional Government was overthrown as a result of an armed coup.
The main provisions of the decree:
The Soviet Workers' and Peasants' Government proposes that "all belligerent peoples and their governments begin immediately negotiations on a just democratic peace" - namely, on "immediate peace of annexation indemnities", that is, without seizure of foreign territories and without forcible recovery of material or monetary compensation from the vanquished. The continuation of the war is seen as "the greatest crime against humanity".
secret diplomacy, "expressing its firm intention to conduct all negotiations completely openly before the whole people, proceeding immediately to the full publication of secret agreements confirmed or concluded by the government of landlords and capitalists from February to October 25, 1917", and "declares unconditionally and immediately canceled" the entire content these secret treaties.
The Soviet government proposes "to all governments and peoples of all belligerent countries to immediately conclude an armistice" for peace negotiations and the final approval of peace conditions.
1.5 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk
On October 25, 1917, power in Petrograd passed into the hands of the Bolsheviks, who acted under the slogan: "A world without annexations and indemnities!". It was they who proposed to conclude such a peace to all the belligerent powers in the very first decree of the new government - the Decree on Peace. From mid-November, at the suggestion of the Soviet government, a truce was established on the Russian-German front. It was officially signed on December 2.
Bolshevik Konstantin Yeremeev wrote: “The truce at the front made the soldiers’ desire to go home, to the village, irresistible. If after the February Revolution leaving the front was a common occurrence, now 12 million soldiers, the flower of the peasantry, felt superfluous in the army and extremely needed there, at home, where they "divide the earth."
The leakage occurred spontaneously, taking on a variety of forms: many simply went away without permission, leaving their units, most of them capturing rifles and cartridges. No less number used any legal method - on vacation, on various business trips ... The timing did not matter, since everyone understood that it was only important to get out of military captivity, and there they would hardly be asked to return. "The Russian trenches were rapidly emptying. In some sectors of the front, by January 1918, not a single soldier remained in the trenches, only in some places there were separate military posts.
Going home, the soldiers took away their weapons, and sometimes even sold them to the enemy. December 9, 1917 in Brest-Litovsk, where the headquarters of the German command was located, peace negotiations began. The Soviet delegation tried to defend the idea of a "peace without annexations and indemnities." January 28, 1918 Germany gave Russia an ultimatum. She demanded to sign an agreement under which Russia was losing Poland, Belarus and part of the Baltic States, a total of 150 thousand square kilometers. This placed the Soviet delegation in front of a severe necessity between the proclaimed principles and the demands of life. According to the principles, war should have been waged, and not a shameful peace with Germany. But they didn't have the strength to fight. The head of the Soviet delegation, Leon Trotsky, like other Bolsheviks, painfully tried to resolve this contradiction. Finally, it seemed to him that he had found a brilliant way out of the situation. On January 28, he delivered his famous peace speech at the talks. In short, it came down to the well-known formula: “Do not sign peace, do not wage war, dissolve the army.” Leon Trotsky said: “We are withdrawing our army and our people from the war. Our soldier-plowman must return to his arable land in order to peacefully cultivate the land which the revolution has handed over from the hands of the landlords to the hands of the peasants. We are withdrawing from the war. We refuse to sanction the conditions which German and Austro-Hungarian imperialism writes with a sword on the body of the living peoples. We cannot sign the Russian revolution under the conditions oppression, grief and misfortune to millions of human beings. The governments of Germany and Austria-Hungary want to own the lands and peoples by the right of military seizure. Let them do their work openly. We cannot consecrate violence. We are withdrawing from the war, but we are forced to refuse to sign peace treaty." After that, he announced the official statement of the Soviet delegation: "Refusing to sign the annexationist treaty, Russia, for its part, declares the state of war terminated. At the same time, the order is given to the Russian troops for complete demobilization along the entire front."
German and Austrian diplomats were at first really shocked by this incredible statement. There was complete silence in the room for several minutes. Then the German General M. Hoffmann exclaimed: "Unheard of!" The head of the German delegation, R. Kuhlmann, immediately concluded: "Consequently, the state of war continues." "Empty threats!" - L. Trotsky said, leaving the meeting room.
However, contrary to the expectations of the Soviet leadership, on February 18, the Austro-Hungarian troops launched an offensive along the entire front. Almost no one opposed them: only bad roads prevented the advance of the armies. On the evening of February 23, they occupied Pskov, on March 3 - Narva. The Red Guard detachment of sailor Pavel Dybenko left this city without a fight. General Mikhail Bonch-Bruevich wrote about him: “Dybenko’s detachment did not inspire confidence in me; it was enough to look at this sailor freemen with mother-of-pearl buttons sewn on wide bell-bottoms, with rollicking manners, to understand that they would not be able to fight with regular German units. Mine fears were justified ... “On February 25, Vladimir Lenin bitterly wrote in the Pravda newspaper: “Painfully shameful reports about the refusal of the regiments to maintain positions, about the refusal to defend even the Narva line, about the failure to comply with the order to destroy everything and everyone during the retreat; let's not talk about flight, chaos, handlessness, helplessness, slovenliness"
On February 19, the Soviet leadership agreed to accept the German terms of peace. But now Germany has put forward much more difficult conditions, demanding five times as much territory. About 50 million people lived on these lands; more than 70% of iron ore and about 90% of coal in the country were mined here. In addition, Russia had to pay a huge indemnity.
Soviet Russia was forced to accept these difficult conditions. The head of the new Soviet delegation, Grigory Sokolnikov, read out her statement: “Under the circumstances that have arisen, Russia has no choice. By the fact of the demobilization of its troops, the Russian revolution, as it were, has transferred its fate into the hands of the German people. We do not doubt for a minute that this is the triumph of imperialism and militarism over The international proletarian revolution will prove to be only temporary and coming. After these words, General Hoffmann exclaimed indignantly: "Again the same nonsense!". "We are ready," G. Sokolnikov concluded, "to immediately sign a peace treaty, refusing any discussion of it as completely useless under the circumstances."
March 3 Brest peace treaty was signed. Russia lost Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, part of Belarus... In addition, under the agreement, Russia transferred more than 90 tons of gold to Germany. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk did not last long in November, after the revolution in Germany, Soviet Russia annulled it.
1.6 Policy towards the peasantry
The development of events largely depended on the Bolsheviks' choice of the balance between strategic and tactical tasks. The strategic meaning of the actions of the Bolsheviks was recorded by Lenin in the words about the October Revolution: "We started our business solely counting on the world revolution." At the same time, the slogans of the coup itself were not of a purely socialist nature. The Bolsheviks (despite the fact that in February 1917 their party numbered less than 24 thousand members) managed to take power relatively easily. The liberalism of the Provisional Government was perceived by the masses as something inadequate to the realities of the moment. By the Decree on Peace, the Bolsheviks secured armed support from the capital's garrisons. Trotsky openly admitted that the unwillingness of the rear units to move from the barracks to the trench position was used. The slogans "All power to the Soviets" and "Land to the peasants" were also tactical in nature, corresponded to the mood of the peasantry, which constituted the vast majority of the population. according to the labor norm (the Bolshevik program was aimed at the nationalization of the land and large-scale agricultural production with the displacement of commodity relations from it). The slogan "All power to the Soviets" in the minds of the villagers meant the complete predominance of the communal peace, rural assemblies and assemblies in resolving all local issues. Finally, the demand for the immediate convocation of the Constituent Assembly played an important role in carrying out the October Revolution.
With the help of the Left Social Revolutionaries who entered the Council of People's Commissars, the Bolsheviks tried to put the slogans of the October Revolution into practice. In an effort to attract the peasants, they did not limit themselves to declarations, transferring to them the landowners, monasteries and office lands, supporting land redistribution on equalizing principles.
It is true that the tactics "groped" by the time of the coup could also contribute to the retention of power. The location on the part of the peasantry provided the Bolsheviks with a relative advantage in the inter-party struggle, and for the time being did not allow the social conflict to develop into a massacre. However, the October tactics of the Bolsheviks inevitably came into conflict with their own strategy - the course towards the world proletarian revolution. Guided by theoretical schemes, the Bolsheviks declared the inevitability of a revolutionary explosion, if not on a world scale, then on a European scale. In Imperialism as the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) and The State and Revolution (1917), Lenin spoke of socialism as a system naturally arising from imperialism on the basis of a process of monopolization: “Socialism is a general state monopoly, but aimed at the good of all."
The second part of Lenin's formula implied the special role of the proletarian revolution, which is designed to deprive private individuals of the right to own a monopoly. At the same time, it was considered quite obvious that the complete monopoly is outside the national-state framework, taking on a planetary scale. From such theoretical constructions followed the conviction of the coming "revolutionary fire" in Europe, for which the October events in Russia serve only as a kind of "fuse".
The strategy of the Bolsheviks reflected the thesis of the dictatorship of the proletariat as a stage of transition to the communist system (that is, one in which there will be no state structures, commodity-money mechanisms, and differences between people will be minimized). The dictatorship of the proletariat was identified with socialism. as a short-term stage in the suppression of all anti-proletarian elements and the destruction of private property. The October tactics, therefore, had nothing in common with the thesis of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The consistent implementation of the tactical slogans "All power to the Soviets" and "Land to the peasants" in practice led to the removal of barriers to the "petty-bourgeois elements", to the triumph of the Socialist-Revolutionary agrarian program, to the isolation of individual rural worlds, since with the omnipotence of local councils in a peasant country, there is no the dictatorship of the proletariat was out of the question. The implementation of the October tactics quickly bogged down.
In essence, the question of the priority of tactics to the detriment of strategy was not raised by the Bolsheviks. They associated the task of holding power not so much with the peasantry as with the revolution they expected a hundred times in the West. Back in September 1917, in the article "The Russian Revolution and Civil War"Lenin argued: "Having won power, the proletariat of Russia has every chance to keep it and bring Russia to a victorious revolution in the West."
The task of retaining power was solved by the dictatorship of the proletariat. The creation of its apparatus included the dispersal of old institutions or their organizational and personnel renewal, but the main thing was the emergence of bodies that performed the function of suppression. Since October 1917, revolutionary tribunals functioned - volost, district, provincial. 7 (20) December 191? year the Cheka was created.
In January 1918, the Bolsheviks openly abandoned the October tactics. Not having received the desired majority in the Constituent Assembly, they dispersed it and refused the promise to transfer power to it. This conviction forced us to reject compromises with those who are historically doomed. Lenin in his work "The Military Program of the Proletarian Revolution" wrote: "To deny civil wars or forget about them would mean falling into extreme opportunism and renouncing the socialist revolution."
The policy of suppressing entire estates could not but give rise to resistance. In a large part of society, moreover. elements of Russophobia and Bolshevik ideology caused rejection. The open denial of Russian statehood was opposed by people with a developed patriotic consciousness. Anti-Bolshevik sentiment exploded in society after the "obscene" Brest peace. However, the tension developed into a phase of active hostilities throughout the country, when the fundamental interests of the bulk of the population - the peasantry - were affected.
The inertia of the October tactics of the Bolsheviks in relation to the peasantry was felt until about May 1918, when the surplus appraisal was introduced. Its implementation was accompanied by an ideological attack on the peasantry, criticism of its inertia, unwillingness to understand Marxist schemes, "fit" into revolutionary progress. Lenin declared the peasantry as the bearer of the "petty-bourgeois element" the "main danger" to the socialist revolution. Trotsky "practically" assigned the role of "fertilizer for the world revolution" to the Russian peasantry. By a decree of June 11, 1918, committees of the poor (combeds) were introduced, which were created as a counterbalance to the village councils. With this decree, Lenin connected the beginning of the class struggle in the countryside (the cry "Death to the kulak" was thrown), emphasizing that from October 1917 until the publication
The Bolsheviks "went along with the entire peasantry. In this sense ... the revolution was then bourgeois." Kombedy participated in the confiscation of grain stocks, in seizures land plots the wealthy peasants. Peasant state farms and communes were forcibly created, a high degree of socialization in which deprived the villagers even of their personal property. Increased pressure on the Cossacks of the Don, Kuban, Terek, Orenburg. Peasant and Cossack uprisings began to flare up.
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