Boris Yeltsin biography personal life. First President of Russia Boris Yeltsin

Boris Yeltsin was the first President of Russia. He was a strong leader, although he made many tactical mistakes in his post. For eight years, this man led a huge country and tried to bring it out of the crisis.

Job in Moscow

In 1968, Boris Yeltsin began his party career. A graduate of the Kirov Ural Polytechnic University became the head of the construction department. Successes in the political service provided him with a quick breakthrough in his career. In 1984, Boris Nikolayevich was already a member of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. From 1985-1987 served as First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU.

In 1987, at the plenum of the Supreme Council, he criticized the activities of the current leader Mikhail Gorbachev. He was demoted to the position of deputy head of Gosstroy. In 1989, Yeltsin became a People's Deputy of the USSR Supreme Council.

In 1990 he became chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR.

1991 presidential election

On March 17, 1991, a referendum was held in the USSR. On the agenda were the question of introducing the post of president and the item on maintaining the status of the USSR. Purposeful and uncompromising Boris Yeltsin decided to run for the presidency. His competitors in this race were the pro-government candidate Nikolai Ryzhkov and Vladimir Zhirinovsky.

On June 12, 1991, the first presidential elections were held. B. N. Yeltsin was elected by a majority of votes. The years of the reign of the first leader of Russia were originally supposed to be 5 years. Since the country was in a deep political and economic crisis, no one knew how long it would last in real life. new president in your chair. A. Rutskoy was elected Vice-President. He and Yeltsin were supported by the Democratic Russia bloc.

On July 10, 1991, Boris Yeltsin took an oath to serve faithfully and truthfully to his people. Mikhail Gorbachev remained president of the USSR. The dual power did not suit the ambitious Yeltsin, although many researchers and politicians argue that the collapse of the Union was the final goal of the new Russian leader. Perhaps it was a political order, which he brilliantly fulfilled.

August coup

The years of B. Yeltsin's rule were marked by significant unrest at the top of the state. Members of the CPSU did not want a change in leadership and understood that with the advent of a new leader, the collapse of the USSR and their removal from power were not far off. Yeltsin spoke out with harsh criticism of the nomenklatura circles, repeatedly accused top leaders of corruption.

Gorbachev and President Yeltsin, whose years of rule were unstable, discussed the cornerstones of their cooperation and decided to politically eliminate the USSR. To do this, it was decided to create a confederation - the Union of Sovereign Soviet Republics. On August 20, this document was to be signed by the leaders of all the union republics.

The GKChP launched an active operation on August 18-21, 1991. During Gorbachev's stay in Crimea, a temporary state body, the State Emergency Committee, was created, and a state of emergency was introduced in the country. This was reported to the population by radio. The Democratic forces led by Yeltsin and Rutskoi began to resist the old party leadership.

The conspirators had some support in the army and the KGB. They pulled up some separate groups of troops to bring them into the capital. Meanwhile, RSFSR President Yeltsin was on a business trip. Opponents of the collapse of the Union decided to detain him upon arrival as far as possible from the White House. Other putschists decided to go to Gorbachev, to convince him to introduce a state of emergency by their decree and appeal to the people.

On August 19, the media announced the resignation of M. Gorbachev for health reasons, and. O. President was appointed Gennady Yanaev.

Yeltsin and his supporters were supported by the opposition radio Ekho Moskvy. The Alpha detachment arrived at the president's dacha, but no order was issued to block it or take it into custody, so Boris Nikolayevich was able to mobilize all his supporters.

Yeltsin arrives at the White House, and local rallies begin in Moscow. Ordinary democratic-minded citizens are trying to resist the GKChP. The protesters built barricades on the square and dismantled the paving stones. Tanks without ammunition and 10 BRMDs were brought to the square.

On the 21st mass clashes began, three citizens were killed. The conspirators were arrested, and Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule were tense from the very beginning, dissolved the CPSU and nationalized the property of the party. The coup plan failed.

As a result, in December 1991, secretly from M. Gorbachev, the Belovezhskaya Accords were signed, which put an end to the USSR and gave rise to new independent republics.

Crisis of 1993

In September 1993, former associates quarreled. B. N. Yeltsin, whose years of rule were very difficult in the initial period, understood that the opposition in the person of Vice-President A. Rutskoi and the Supreme Council of the RSFSR in every possible way hinders new economic reforms. In this regard, B. Yeltsin issued a decree in 1400 - on the dissolution of the Armed Forces. A decision was made on new elections to the Federal Assembly.

Naturally, such a monopolization of power caused a protest among the members of the Supreme Council. As usual, equipment was driven to the capital, people were taken to the streets. Several times they tried to impeach the president, but Yeltsin ignored the law. Supporters of the Armed Forces were dispersed, opposition leaders were arrested. As a result of the clashes, according to various sources, about 200 people died, more than a thousand were injured and wounded.

After the victory of B. Yeltsin and his supporters in Russia, there was a transitional period of the president's dictatorship. All authorities linking Russia with the USSR were liquidated.

Socio-economic reforms of B. Yeltsin

Many economists and politicians, looking back at the years of Yeltsin's rule in Russia, call his policies chaotic and stupid. It didn't have a clear plan. For the first few years, the state was generally in a political crisis, which eventually resulted in the 1993 coup.

Many ideas of the president and his supporters were promising, but in implementing them according to the old monopolized system, Yeltsin ran into many pitfalls. As a result, the reform of the state led to a protracted crisis in the economic sphere, the loss of deposits from the population and complete distrust of the authorities.

The main reforms of President Yeltsin:

• price liberalization, free market;
• land reform - the transfer of land to private hands;
• privatization;
• reforming political power.

First Chechen War

In 1991, the independent Republic of Ichkeria was formed on the territory of Chechnya. This state of affairs did not suit Russia. Dzhokhar Dudayev became the president of the new independent republic. The Russian Armed Forces declared the elections invalid. The victory of the separatist forces led to the collapse of the Chechen-Ingush Republic. Ingushetia decided to remain autonomous within Russia. Based on this desire, Boris Yeltsin, whose years of rule were already washed with rivers of blood, decided to send troops during the 1992 Ossetian-Ingush conflict. Chechnya was actually an independent state, not recognized by anyone. In fact, a civil war was going on in the country. In 1994, Yeltsin decided to send in troops to restore order in the Chechen People's Republic. As a result, the armed conflict with the use of Russian troops lasted two years.

Second presidential term

The second presidential term was extremely difficult for B. Yeltsin. Firstly, constant heart problems affected, and secondly, the country was on the verge of a crisis, which the "sick" president did not have the strength to cope with. The newly elected president staked on the "political youth" represented by Chubais and Nemtsov. Their active implementation of the reformist course did not lead to the expected increase in GDP, the country lived on multi-billion dollar loans. In 1998, Yeltsin, whose years of rule were not successful for the state, began to look for a successor. They became the unknown head of the FSB - V. Putin.

Resignation

In 1998, Boris Yeltsin's "sand" economy collapsed. Default, price increases, job cuts, total instability, shutdown of large enterprises. The virtual market economy could not withstand the harsh realities. Having chosen a worthy candidate for his post and secured V. Putin's commitment to a comfortable old age, the first President of Russia, having addressed the TV audience, resigned.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin was born on February 1, 1931 in the village of Butka (emphasis on the last syllable) of the Talitsky district of the Sverdlovsk region. Father - Nikolai Ignatievich, builder, mother - Claudia Vasilievna, dressmaker. During the period of collectivization, Boris N. Yeltsin's grandfather was exiled, his father and uncle were also subjected to illegal repressions (both went through a forced labor camp). In 1935, the family moved to the Perm region to build the Berezniki potash plant.

Having successfully completed high school them. A. S. Pushkin in Berezniki, B. N. Eltsin continued his education at the Faculty of Civil Engineering of the Ural Polytechnic Institute. S. M. Kirov (now the Ural State Technical University- USTU-UPI) in Sverdlovsk with a degree in industrial and civil construction. At the UPI, B.N. Yeltsin showed himself not only in studies, but also in the sports field: he played at the national volleyball championship for the team of masters, coached the women's volleyball team of the institute.

During his studies, he met his future wife Naina (Anastasia) Iosifovna Girina. In 1955, having simultaneously defended their diplomas (the topic of B.N. Yeltsin’s diploma is “TV Tower”), the young people left for a while to the destinations of young specialists, but agreed to meet in a year. This meeting took place in Kuibyshev at zonal volleyball competitions: Boris Nikolaevich took the bride to Sverdlovsk, where the wedding took place.

Professional biography B.N. Yeltsin began in 1955 at the Uraltyazhtrubstroy trust. However, before taking up the post of master, he preferred to master working professions: he alternately worked as a bricklayer, concrete worker, carpenter, carpenter, glazier, painter, plasterer, crane operator. From 1957 to 1963 - foreman, senior foreman, chief engineer, head of the construction department of the Yuzhgorstroy trust, chief engineer of the best DSC in the region and then its director. Professional achievements and organizational talent attracted B.N. Yeltsin the attention of party organs. In the second half of the 60s, his life in politics begins. Almost twenty years of hard managerial work connect B.N. Yeltsin with Sverdlovsk, and for half of this period he was at the head of the regional party organization. Since 1968 - head of the construction department of the Sverdlovsk regional committee of the CPSU. Since 1975 - Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. Since 1976 - First Secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. In 1981 he was elected a member of the Central Committee of the CPSU. The "Ural period" of the biography of the First President of Russia is marked by the revival of the economic and public life the edges. The region has become a leader in many indicators, primarily in terms of the pace and scale of industrial and civil construction, the reconstruction of the Ural industry, and the creation of modern infrastructure. It was on the initiative of B. N. Yeltsin in Sverdlovsk, one of the few cities except Moscow, that a metro was laid. Constant attention to the problems of the countryside and their deep understanding by the head of the region made it possible to maintain the agricultural sector at a stable level, despite the risky nature of agriculture in the Middle Urals. Being, according to the then generally accepted term, “the owner of the region”, B. N. Yeltsin preferred the human factor in working with personnel, with the regional public, with residents of the city and region: any task must have a human dimension. At the same time, he knew how to be tough, demanding, principled. It was a special, "Yeltsin" style, coming from inner composure and focus on the main thing, from a solid professional foundation, from knowledge of life. The open position inherent in the future president of Russia in communicating and managing large masses of people won the trust and respect of the Urals. But the name of B. N. Yeltsin became known outside the region as well. The broadcast of the Sverdlovsk television on December 18, 1982 caused a great resonance in the country, in particular, “Member of the Central Committee of the CPSU, deputy of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, first secretary of the Sverdlovsk regional party committee B. N. Yeltsin answers the questions of the workers and comments on the mail.”

It is natural that his professional knowledge, public authority and political potential were in demand by perestroika. In 1985, B. N. Yeltsin was invited to work in Moscow, in the central apparatus of the party, and after serious consideration, he agreed to move to the capital. From April 1985 - Head of the Construction Department of the CPSU Central Committee, from July of the same year - Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee for Construction.

In December 1985, already the secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, B. N. Yeltsin headed the Moscow City Party Committee and in short term gained immense popularity in the different layers society. Dictated by the time itself, B. N. Yeltsin's meaningful departure from the traditional apparatus command-administrative style of behavior and management was very warily received by the highest party elite. The sincerity with which the Ural leader got involved in perestroika quite logically led him to the edge of sharp criticism, which he did not hesitate to address both the Central Committee apparatus and personally General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee MS Gorbachev.

In January 1987, far from the first, but a really sharp public conflict between B. N. Yeltsin and M. S. Gorbachev arose at a meeting of the Politburo of the CPSU Central Committee, which discussed the responsibility of the highest party cadres. The independence of judgments and actions of one of the youngest leaders of the Soviet leadership did not meet with understanding and support from Secretary General. The secretary general's entourage fueled his suspicions about B. N. Yeltsin, interpreting the differences between them on the substance of the policy of perestroika and the future of the country as an attempt to encroach on the authority of M. S. Gorbachev.

In September 1987, B. N. Yeltsin sent a letter to M. S. Gorbachev, in which he thoroughly argued his critical view of the activities of the party leadership in managing the perestroika process and made proposals for correcting the course of reforms. However, this appeal remained unanswered. At the October plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU, B. N. Yeltsin took the floor and briefly formulated the threats to perestroika, among which the emerging "cult of personality of Gorbachev" was named. Concluding his speech, the speaker announced his desire to leave the Politburo. And again, a responsible, frank discussion of the problems posed, which Boris N. Yeltsin counted on, did not work out. With the full approval of the Secretary General, the plenum reacted to B. N. Yeltsin's speech with a classic personnel maneuver: recognizing this speech as "politically erroneous", he immediately recommended that the next plenum of the CPSU MGK consider the advisability of B. N. Yeltsin's tenure as first secretary of the MGK. Probably, the General Secretary saw in the intention of his political opponent to withdraw from the Politburo the possibility of Boris Yeltsin going into open opposition at the head of the Moscow organization of the CPSU. Already in November, the plenum of the Moscow City Committee obediently adopted the “decision on Yeltsin” that MS Gorbachev needed. And only in February 1988, he was removed from the list of candidates for membership in the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU and appointed First Deputy Chairman of the Gosstroy of the USSR.

Despite the warning of M. S. Gorbachev that he would no longer “let B. N. Yeltsin into politics”, and the opposition of the party and administrative apparatus, B. N. Yeltsin took part in the elections of people's deputies of the USSR in March 1989, gaining 90 percent of the vote in Moscow. At the I Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR (May - June 1989), he became co-chairman of the opposition Interregional Deputy Group (MDG).

In May 1990, at a meeting of the First Congress of People's Deputies of the RSFSR, he was elected Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. On June 12, 1990, he put the Declaration on the State Sovereignty of Russia to the roll-call vote of the congress. It was adopted by an overwhelming majority of votes ("for" - 907, "against" - 13, abstentions - 9). In July 1990, at the XXVIII (last) Congress of the CPSU, he left the party.

On June 12, 1991, he was elected President of the RSFSR, gaining 57% of the vote (the closest rivals received: N.I. Ryzhkov - 17%, V.V. Zhirinovsky - 8%). In July 1991, he signed a decree on the termination of activities organizational structures political parties and mass social movements in state bodies, institutions and organizations of the RSFSR.

In connection with the attempted coup d'état in the USSR in August 1991, he issued an “Appeal to the citizens of Russia”, where he stated, in particular, the following: “We believe that such forceful methods are unacceptable. They discredit the USSR before the whole world, undermine our prestige in the world community, return us to the era of the Cold War and the isolation of the Soviet Union. All this forces us to declare illegal the so-called committee (GKChP) that came to power. Accordingly, we declare illegal all the decisions and orders of this committee.” The internal political crisis caught the President of the USSR M. S. Gorbachev on vacation in Foros (Crimea), where he thus avoided participation in the August events. Decisive and precise actions of the Russian leadership destroyed the plans of the putschists. Relying on the support of the people and the army, B. N. Yeltsin managed to save the country from the consequences of a large-scale provocation that brought Russia to the brink of civil war. Members of the GKChP were arrested, and M. S. Gorbachev was released from the “Foros captivity” and taken to Moscow.

On August 23, 1991, at a session of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, Boris N. Yeltsin signed a decree on the dissolution of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and on November 6 of the same year he issued a decree on the termination of the activities of the structures of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR in Russia and the nationalization of their property.

On November 15, 1991, he headed the Russian government, which remains in history as the first government of reforms. After the formation of a new cabinet, he signed a package of ten presidential decrees and government orders that outlined concrete steps towards a market economy. At the end of November 1991, Russia assumed obligations for the debts of the USSR.

In exercising his new powers, the President appointed E. T. Gaidar as First Deputy Prime Minister responsible for developing a new economic concept for Russian reform.

On December 8, 1991, B. N. Yeltsin, together with L. M. Kravchuk and S. S. Shushkevich, signed the Belovezhskaya agreement of the heads of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine on the liquidation of the USSR and the formation of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

At the end of the year, the President of Russia approved a decree on price liberalization effective January 2, 1992. In January 1992, a decree "On Free Trade" was also signed, ending the distribution system of Soviet trade.

In June 1992, he terminated his powers as Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation and entrusted E. T. Gaidar with the duties of Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation. The Cabinet embarked on a decisive market reform and privatization of state property.

During 1992, the confrontation between the legislature and the executive power grew, which is often also called the "dual power crisis". Formally, it was based on contradictions in the constitutional system of Russia, but in fact, it was dissatisfaction on the part of the parliament with the ongoing reforms.

At the VII Congress of People's Deputies of Russia (December 1992), the parliament launched an open attack on the president, although already on the first day of the congress, B. N. Yeltsin proposed introducing a kind of "stabilization period", within which both sides would follow pre-agreed rules . The president suggested that the congress for the time being abandon attempts to increase influence on the executive branch, using its right to amend the Constitution. The congress rejected these proposals, then rejecting by a majority vote also the candidacy of E. T. Gaidar, whom the president proposed for the post of prime minister.

December 10, 1992 B.N. Yeltsin addressed the citizens of Russia, in which he called the Congress of People's Deputies the main stronghold of conservatism, laying on it the main responsibility for the difficult situation in the country and accusing it of preparing a "creeping coup." The Supreme Council, the president emphasized, wants to have all the powers and rights, but does not want to bear responsibility. Reforms are blocked, there is a danger of destruction of all positive processes. B.N. Yeltsin said that he sees a way out of the crisis in holding a nationwide referendum on confidence in the president. B.N. Yeltsin called on citizens to start collecting signatures for its implementation and firmly promised to obey the will of the people, whatever it may be.

At the VIII Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation (March 1993), the political crisis entered a new phase: the deputies decided to disavow a number of previously reached compromise agreements, including the consent of the congress to hold a referendum.
In this regard, on March 20, B.N. Yeltsin signed a decree calling for April 25, 1993, a referendum of confidence in the president of the Russian Federation and at the same time a draft new Constitution and a draft law on elections to the federal parliament.

The All-Russian referendum took place at the appointed time. The Russians were asked the following questions: “Do you trust the President of the Russian Federation B. Yeltsin?”, “Do you approve of the social policy implemented by the President of the Russian Federation and the Government of the Russian Federation since 1992?” "Do you consider it necessary to hold early elections of people's deputies of the Russian Federation?" There were 107 million citizens on the electoral lists. 64.5% of voters took part in the referendum.

On September 21, 1993, the Decree "On a phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation" (Decree No. 1400) was promulgated, which dissolved the Supreme Council and the Congress of People's Deputies of the Russian Federation. The President called elections for State Duma- the lower house of the Federal Assembly - on December 11-12, 1993. The Federation Council was declared the upper house of the Federal Assembly. On the same day (September 21), an extraordinary session of the Supreme Council reopened the confrontation with the president in order to remove him from office. The crisis lasted until October 4, 1993 and ended with the restoration constitutional order in the country. This required the introduction of a state of emergency in Moscow, the suppression by force of attempts by the opposition to seize the Moscow mayor's office and the television center in Ostankino, and the suppression of armed resistance directly in the White House.

The crisis resulted in the President's decision to suspend the activities of the Communist Party. On October 26, a decree "On the reform of local self-government in the Russian Federation" was signed, which liquidated the Soviets of People's Deputies. Subsequently, the President's efforts related to the problems of local self-government were directed mainly to organizational and political assistance. new system, which was based on local administrations (this work ended with the adoption at the end of the summer of 1995 of the law "On general principles local government organizations).

The adoption of the new Constitution and the elections on December 12, 1993 markedly improved the atmosphere in society and opened up the opportunity for all branches of government to focus on constructive work. In February 1994, in his first annual Address, the president called on the government to strengthen the social orientation of the reforms. The president's consistent efforts to pacify public sentiment led to the appearance in April 1994 of an important document - the "Public Accord Treaty", which became an instrument for consolidating power, the political elite and society in the interests of creating favorable conditions for continuing reforms. The meaning of the agreement was seen in the search for compromises, the establishment of a dialogue between state structures and various political forces in Russia.
Along with complex economic problems, the problems of federal relations came to the fore. In particular, the situation around the Chechen Republic developed dramatically. The negative consequences of her being outside the legal field of Russia under Dudayev's regime were obvious. At the end of 1994, the Russian leadership began to untie the Chechen knot, hoping to solve this fundamental problem in a short time and with limited forces.

The development of a special operation in Chechnya into a military campaign, the difficulties of socio-economic development affected the results of the elections to the State Duma in December 1995, as a result of which the Communist Party doubled its representation. There was a real threat of communist revenge. In this regard, the presidential elections scheduled for June 1996, in which eight contenders applied for participation, acquired great significance.

1996 - 1999

In the situation that was developing at the beginning of 1996, Boris N. Yeltsin took into account and attentively responded to the prevailing moods in society, demanded that the government promptly resolve the problems that worried people. The President carried out a decisive reorganization of the Cabinet of Ministers, which in January 1996 began to develop a new reform program.

In January-April 1996, the President signed a series of decrees aimed at the timely payment of salaries to public sector workers, compensation payments to pensioners, and increased scholarships for students and graduate students. Energetic steps were taken in solving the Chechen problem (from the development of a plan for a peaceful settlement to a scheme for the elimination of Dudayev and the cessation of military operations). The signing of agreements between Russia and Belarus, as well as between Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, demonstrated the seriousness of integration intentions in the post-Soviet space.

The President made 52 trips to various regions of the Russian Federation, including to intensify the conclusion of bilateral agreements between federal center and territories and regions of Russia.

The will of B. N. Yeltsin, his desire to achieve for all Russians the opportunity to live with dignity and freedom, uncompromisingness in the fight against the orthodox party nomenklatura clinging to power ensured the victory of the presidential course in the 1996 elections. In the second round of elections on July 3, 1996, B. N. Yeltsin defeated the leader of the Russian Communists, G. A. Zyuganov, gaining 53.8% of the vote (the candidate from the Communist Party received 40.3%). The main result of the difficult victory was not just the re-election of B. N. Yeltsin, it was a success new constitution, new political system and young Russian statehood.

The 1996 presidential marathon had a great impact on the socio-economic and political situation in Russia. The victory in the elections made it possible to remove social tensions and continue moving towards a market economy. The strengthening of the democratic foundations of the constitutional system was continued, the foundations were laid legislative framework market economy, began to function labor markets, goods, currencies, securities. However, the situation in Chechnya remained difficult, where hostilities resumed after the presidential elections. In this regard, the president authorized the holding of talks in Khasavyurt on August 22 and 30, 1996, which ended with the signing of important documents. As agreed, the parties terminated fighting, federal troops were withdrawn from Chechnya, and the decision on the status of Chechnya was postponed until 2001.

By the spring of 1997, the president completed the work begun earlier on the reorganization of the government, whose main task for the period of the second presidency of Boris N. Yeltsin was to develop a new socio-economic program. This program of priority measures has come to be known as the Seven Key Actions. It was planned to do the following: eliminate wage arrears, switch to targeted social support, introduce common rules of the game for bankers and entrepreneurs, limit the influence of "natural monopolies", fight bureaucratic arbitrariness and corruption, activate regional economic initiative, widely explain to the public the meaning and goals entrepreneurship.
The government vigorously took up the task, although not all of the measures it proposed received parliamentary and broader public support. Criticism of the team of "young reformers" was also voiced in the President's Address to the Federal Assembly in February 1998. March 23 was followed by a presidential decree on the resignation of Prime Minister V. S. Chernomyrdin and his government. Initially perceived as a sensation, BN Yeltsin's decision was based on a clear realization of the inevitable completion of a certain stage of economic policy.

The political "heavyweight" V. S. Chernomyrdin was replaced by the young S. V. Kiriyenko. The President once again demonstrated his principle of constant rejuvenation and rotation of personnel at the upper levels of the management system.

However, already in August 1998, the country was faced with a global financial crisis, which led the government of S. V. Kiriyenko to fall. The default, the collapse of the banking system and repeated devaluation of the ruble made the country's economic situation extremely difficult, but the Russian market turned out to be stronger than expected. The August crisis was followed by an upsurge: the substitution of imported goods by domestic ones and the intensification of export activity contributed to the stabilization of the economy.

In September 1998, the head of state proposed E. M. Primakov, who at that moment headed the Russian Foreign Ministry, for the post of prime minister. The inclusion of representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the government gave reason to talk about the "left" of the executive branch. The Cabinet was sometimes enthusiastically involved in political discussions on the side of the parliamentary opposition. The president, in turn, demanded that the government strictly adhere to the tactics of solving specific cases. There were no radical changes in the course of reforms, and even managed to stabilize the socio-political situation as a whole. On May 12, 1999, the president dismissed E. M. Primakov. The reasons for this step, which then seemed irrational, were in fact simple: the head of state did not see his successor in the then prime minister.

His name was actually named by B. N. Yeltsin on August 9, 1999, after the signing of a decree appointing V. V. Putin as Acting Prime Minister, whose assumption of office coincided with the start of a large-scale operation against Chechen militants in Dagestan.

Vigorous inclusion of V. V. Putin in the decision difficult problems received the support of the majority of Russian citizens. An important role was played by the consistency with which he declared the continuity of the policy of strengthening the foundations of a market economy and the democratic structure of Russia laid in the 1990s.

On December 31, 1999, Boris N. Yeltsin announced his resignation and signed a decree “On the exercise of the powers of the President of the Russian Federation”: “1. In accordance with Part 2 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, from 12:00 on December 31, 1999, I cease to exercise the powers of the President of the Russian Federation. 2. In accordance with Part 3 of Article 92 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the powers of the President of the Russian Federation are temporarily performed by the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation from 12:00 on December 31, 1999. This decree comes into force from the moment of its signing.

The Russians learned about this decision of their president from his New Year's television address. Thus, in modern Russia For the first time, a precedent was set for a voluntary transfer of power.

The First President of Russia was awarded the Order of Merit for the Fatherland, I degree, as well as the Order of Lenin, two Orders of the Red Banner of Labor, the Order of the Badge of Honor, the Order of Gorchakov (the highest award of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation), the Order of the Royal Order of Peace and Justice ( UNESCO), medals "Shield of Freedom" and "For selflessness and courage" (USA), the Order of the Cavalier Grand Cross(the highest state award in Italy) and many others.

Boris Nikolaevich was fond of hunting, sports, music, literature, cinema. The family of Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin is large: wife Naina Iosifovna, daughters Elena and Tatyana, grandchildren - Katya, Masha, Boris, Gleb, Ivan and Maria, great-grandchildren Alexander and Mikhail.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin died on April 23, 2007. He was buried at the Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

Boris Yeltsin is a man whose name will always be inextricably linked with recent history Russia. Someone will remember him as the first president, someone will invariably see in him, first of all, a talented reformer and democrat, and someone will remember the voucher privatization, the military campaign in Chechnya, the default and call him a "traitor".

Like any outstanding politician, Boris Nikolayevich will always have supporters and opponents, but today, in the framework of this biography, we will try to refrain from judgments and judgments and will only appeal with reliable facts. What kind of person was the first president of the Russian Federation? What was his life like before his political career? Our article today will help you find out the answers to these and many other questions.

Childhood and family

The official biography of Boris Yeltsin says that he was born in the maternity hospital of the village of Butka ( Sverdlovsk region, Talitsky district). The very same family of Boris Nikolaevich lived nearby - in the village of Basmanovo. That is why in various sources, both one and the other toponym can be found as the birthplace of the future president.

As for Boris Yeltsin's parents, they were both simple villagers. Father, Nikolai Ignatievich, worked in construction, but in the 30s he was repressed as a kulak element, serving his sentence on the Volga-Don. After the amnesty, he returned to his native village, where he started everything from scratch as a simple builder, then rose to the head of a construction plant. Mom, Claudia Vasilievna (nee Starygina), worked as a dressmaker for most of her life.

When Boris was not yet ten years old, the family moved to the city of Berezniki, not far from Perm. IN new school he became the head of the class, but it was difficult to call him a particularly exemplary student. As Yeltsin's teachers noted, he was always a fighter and a fidget. Perhaps it was these qualities that led Boris Nikolaevich to the first serious problem in his life. During the boyish games, the guy picked up an unexploded German grenade in the grass and tried to take it apart. The consequence of the game was the loss of two fingers on the left hand.

Related to this fact is the fact that Yeltsin did not serve in the army. After school, he immediately entered the Ural Polytechnic Institute, where he mastered the specialty "civil engineer".

The absence of several fingers did not prevent Boris Nikolaevich from receiving the title of master of sports in volleyball as a student.

Political career

After graduating from high school in 1955, Boris Yeltsin went to work at the Sverdlovsk Construction Trust. Here he joined the CPSU, which allowed him to quickly advance in the service.

As chief engineer, and then director of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant. Yeltsin attended district party congresses. In 1963, as part of one of the meetings, Yeltsin was enrolled as a member of the Kirov District Committee of the CPSU, and later - in the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU. In the party position, Boris Nikolayevich was mainly involved in supervising housing construction issues, but very soon political career Yeltsin began to rapidly gain momentum.

In 1975, our today's hero was elected secretary of the Sverdlovsk Regional Committee of the CPSU, and a year later - the first secretary, that is, in fact, the main person of the Sverdlovsk region. His predecessor and patron described the young Yeltsin as a power-hungry and ambitious man, but added that he would “break into a cake, but he will complete any task.” Yeltsin served in this post for nine years.

During his leadership in the Sverdlovsk region, many issues related to food supply were successfully resolved. Coupons for milk and some other goods were abolished, new poultry farms and farms were opened. It was Yeltsin who launched the construction of the Sverdlovsk metro, as well as several cultural and sports complexes. Work in the party brought him the rank of colonel.

Yeltsin's speech at the XXVII Congress of the CPSU (1986)

After successful work in the Sverdlovsk region, Yeltsin was recommended to the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU for the post of first secretary. Having received the position, he began a personnel purge and initiated large-scale inspections, to the point that he himself went to public transport and inspected food warehouses.

On October 21, 1987, he sharply criticized the communist system at the Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPSU: he criticized the slow pace of perestroika, announced the formation of a personality cult of Mikhail Gorbachev, and asked not to include him in the Politburo. Under a flurry of counter criticism, he apologized, and on November 3 filed an application addressed to Gorbachev, asking him to keep him in office.

A week later, he was admitted to the hospital with a heart attack, but party colleagues believed he had attempted suicide. Two days later, he was already present at the meeting of the Plenum, where he was removed from the post of first secretary of the Moscow City Committee.

Yeltsin asks for political rehabilitation

In 1988 he was appointed deputy head of the Construction Committee.

On March 26, 1989, Yeltsin became a people's deputy in Moscow, receiving 91% of the votes. At the same time, his competitor was the protege of the government, Yevgeny Brakov, the head of ZIL. In May 1990, the politician headed the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR. "Political weight" to Yeltsin was added by the resonant signing of the Declaration on State Sovereignty of the RSFSR, which legally secured the priority of Russian laws over Soviet ones. On the day of its adoption, June 12, today we celebrate the Day of Russia.

At the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU in 1990, Yeltsin announced his resignation from the party. This congress was the last.

Yeltsin leaves the CPSU (1990)

On June 12, 1991, the non-partisan Yeltsin, with 57% of the vote and with the support of the Democratic Russia party, was elected president of the RSFSR. His competitors were Nikolai Ryzhkov (CPSU) Vladimir Zhirinovsky (LDPSS).

On December 8, 1991, after the isolation of the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev and his actual removal from power, Boris Yeltsin, as the leader of the RSFSR, signed an agreement on the collapse of the USSR in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, which was also signed by the leaders of Belarus and Ukraine. From that moment Boris Yeltsin became the leader of independent Russia.

Presidency

The collapse of the USSR provoked many problems, which Boris Yeltsin had to deal with. The first years of Russia's independence were marked by numerous problematic phenomena in the economy, a sharp impoverishment of the population, as well as the beginning of several bloody military conflicts in the Russian Federation and abroad. So, for a long time, Tatarstan declared its desire to secede from the Russian Federation, then the government of the Chechen Republic declared a similar desire.

Interview with President Boris Yeltsin (1991)

In the first case, all topical issues were resolved peacefully, but in the second case, the unwillingness of the former Union Autonomous Republic to remain part of the Russian Federation laid the foundation for military operations in the Caucasus.

Due to multiple problems, Yeltsin's rating fell rapidly (to 3%), but in 1996 he still managed to remain in the presidency for a second term. He then competed with Grigory Yavlinsky, Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Gennady Zyuganov. In the second round, Yeltsin "met" with Zyuganov and won with 53% of the vote.

Many crisis phenomena in the political and economic system of the country persisted in the future. Yeltsin was ill a lot and rarely appeared in public. He gave key positions in the government to those who supported his election campaign.

Boris Nikolaevich Yeltsin's date of birth is February 1, 1931. Yeltsin lived a bright and rich life, had a huge impact on changing the morally obsolete Russian foundations with his political actions. He even managed to make his death an unforgettable event for millions of people, not only in Russia, but all over the world. It is he who must be thanked for starting work on the formation of such a monumental power as the Russian Federation, which allowed it to take a step on a par with the most prominent world countries and proudly maintain the status of a leader. In our today's article, we will trace the biography of the first president of the Russian Federation.

Family influence on Yeltsin's early years

In 1931, no one could have imagined that the birth of a boy in a simple peasant family would mark the beginning of a new stage in the development of Russia. Yeltsin's biography during his life was supplemented by many significant moments, each of which influenced the further formation of his personality.

Despite the fact that Boris was born in the village of Butka (Sverdlovsk region, Talitsky district), his childhood years were spent in the Perm region, in Berezniki. Yeltsin's father, Nikolai Ignatievich, came from kulaks and actively supported the overthrown tsarist government, constantly speaking out with anti-Soviet propaganda, for which he was imprisoned in 1934, served his term and was released. Although the conclusion was short-lived, Boris was never able to get close to his father. Mother - Claudia Vasilyevna Yeltsina (before Starygin's marriage) - was much closer to him. She, in fact, took upon herself all the family hardships, combining the fulfillment of parental duty with the daily work of tailoring.

Yeltsin actively helped his parents in his youth. The arrest of the father was a heavy blow to the family budget. After the communists came to power and mass repressions began in the country, my father, who was imprisoned at that time, had to work hard. After his release, he stayed to work at a local factory, and the family's affairs gradually improved. Since Boris was the oldest in the family, he had to grow up early, taking on some of the worries aimed at earning money and caring for his younger brother and sister.

Despite this, Yeltsin's characterization was far from positive. From an early age, Boris began to show his character. Even during baptism, he managed to slip out of the hands of the priest who performed the ceremony and fall into the font. At school, he fought for the rights of classmates with a teacher who forced children to resort to physical labor more often than they were supposed to, namely to plow their garden, and beat children for not following orders.

Having entered the period of youth, Boris got into a fight, where his nose was broken with a shaft, but, as it turned out, this was not all the trouble that awaited Yeltsin. Having an ebullient temperament and being a very difficult teenager, he was able to steal a grenade from a nearby military warehouse and decided to study its contents, not having come up with anything better than breaking it with a stone. As a result of such actions, an explosion occurred in which he lost two fingers on his right hand and gained another negative experience, because with such an injury he was not allowed to serve in the army.

Studying at the institute and choosing a profession

A turbulent childhood did not prevent him from entering the Faculty of Civil Engineering. The choice fell on the Ural Polytechnic Institute, in which Yeltsin Boris Nikolaevich acquired his first specialty as a civil engineer, which did not prevent him from further mastering many more working professions, some of which are noted in the work book. During his youth, he was able to climb the career ladder from a foreman to the head of the Sverdlovsk house-building plant, which characterized him as an extremely purposeful person. Boris met his future wife Naina at the same university. The couple began to communicate closely, and soon after graduation they signed.

IN student years Boris was actively involved in sports, and in particular volleyball, thanks to which he managed to get the title of master of sports, which he was very proud of.

Married life

Naina Yeltsina (Girina) was born on March 14, 1932 in the village of Titovka (Orenburg region) and lived in a happy marriage with Boris from 1956 to 2007, during which she gave birth to two daughters - Elena and Tatyana.

Her family was very large (4 brothers and a sister) and deeply religious, so the upbringing of children was given special attention. The years of Yeltsin's life were marked by both ups and downs, but all the time of her marriage, Naina was always next to her husband, acutely experiencing all his ups and downs, providing her husband with a reliable rear. Even people who do not welcome the activities of Boris Yeltsin have always paid tribute to the tact and sincerity of his wife.

At the age of 25, Naina decides to make the first changes in her life, changes her name and, accordingly, her passport. At birth, her parents gave her the name Anastasia, however, when the girl entered the service, she was constantly hurt by her hearing. official address"Anastasia Iosifovna", to which she could not and did not want to get used.

A rich biography of Yeltsin had a certain influence on her. Having married, she not only did not quit her job, but also continued to improve her professional skills. After graduating from the institute, she received the specialty of a civil engineer and worked until her retirement at the Vodokanalproject Institute, located in the city of Sverdlovsk. Making her way up the career ladder, she, like her husband, starting from the bottom, was able to achieve the appointment of the head of the institute group.

Awards received:

• Oliver International Prize.
• National Prize of Russia "Olympia". Awarded for outstanding achievements of contemporaries in politics, business, science, art and culture.

Active activity

Work in construction served as the basis for the complex technique of commanding people, which, climbing the career ladder, Yeltsin often used. Years of hard work have made significant adjustments in his life. Accustomed to the construction site to the frequent use of alcohol, he treated him like something ordinary. In particular, this was most noticeable in his behavior on vacation. After joining the party, he repeatedly went on vacation to various sanatoriums, where he often entertained party comrades by drinking a glass of vodka like compote. Despite this, starting from the age of 37, Yeltsin has been engaged in party work, having received the status of head of a department with a subsequent promotion to secretary of the regional party committee.

In his youth, Yeltsin tried to spend the dates of all Russian holidays in the city of Sverdlovsk, arranging informal meetings with the working people. He could unexpectedly come to a store, a food base or an enterprise and arrange an unscheduled inspection there, because thanks to his position, he, in fact, became the first head of the largest industrial region of the USSR, gradually gaining people's trust as a politician who does everything for his people.

Rapid rise to fame

The swiftness with which Yeltsin's biography was changing could not go unnoticed by the then leader of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, who began to carefully look at the stages of his political career.

Being the first secretary of the regional committee in the city of Sverdlovsk, Boris Yeltsin began to analyze the affairs that his predecessor was conducting, and among the papers he found an order from 1975, which he never bothered to fulfill. It contained an instruction to demolish the house of the merchant Ipatiev as soon as possible, in the basement of which, during the revolution organized by the Bolsheviks, seeking to overthrow the royal foundations, the last Russian Tsar Nicholas II and his family were killed. Yeltsin immediately ordered the demolition of the building. His decisive leadership style and diligence did not go unnoticed by the higher authorities. Gorbachev issues a decree on his transfer to Moscow, and from that day on, Yeltsin's political career begins to rapidly go up. According to the recommendations given by the deputy Yegor Ligachev, Yeltsin was appointed to a responsible position - the First Secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU, where he successfully began to restore order among corrupt officials.

It was after his appointment that the black market in Moscow, operating according to a system that had been debugged over the years, staggered. Spontaneous food fairs began to appear in the city, allowing people to purchase fresh collective farm fruits and vegetables directly from trucks, without any extra charge.

Life of daughters

Yeltsin's biography had an indirect impact on the fate of his daughters. They were brought up with a clear understanding that the family is the main thing in life. Boris and Naina tried to devote as much time as possible to the children, necessarily holding joint celebrations of birthdays and the New Year.

As a result of this upbringing eldest daughter Yeltsina - Elena (married Okulova) - repeated the fate of her mother. Devoting all her free time to her family, she tried as far as possible to avoid fame, a certain proportion of which was imposed on her by the birth in the family of such famous person. Yeltsin's youngest daughter, Tatyana, on the contrary, although she did not achieve such outstanding successes as her father, she followed in his footsteps, leaving her mark on history. She began her career as an employee of the President's Office in 1996, eventually becoming a key adviser to her father. She was married twice and is raising wonderful children with whom Naina Yeltsina loves to spend time. Unfortunately, one of them - Gleb - was diagnosed with Down syndrome. However, Yeltsin's character was also reflected in his grandchildren. Even despite the fact that this is a rather unpleasant disease, Gleb manages to fully enjoy life.

Yeltsin, who rose to power in the 1990s, had to establish himself as a strong political leader, in creating the image of which Tatyana played an important role. It is worth noting that her appointment to such a high post at one time caused a lot of controversy, because private entrepreneurs, according to the current legislation, could not hold a political position, but the fact of the appointment remained a fact.

Restoration of the country after the collapse of the USSR

After his appointment as a candidate member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1986, it was Yeltsin Boris Nikolayevich who began an active struggle against the sluggish policy of perestroika, thanks to which he earned his first enemies among the members of the Central Committee, under whose pressure Yeltsin's opinion changed dramatically, and he was appointed to position of First Secretary of the City Committee of the capital. Since 1988, his dissatisfaction with the lack of will of the members of the Politburo has only intensified. Most of all goes to the same Ligachev, who recommended Yeltsin for this position.

In 1989, he successfully manages to combine the position of a deputy of the Moscow District and membership in the Supreme Soviet of the USSR until 1990, when he first becomes a people's deputy of the RSFSR, and then the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR, whose position, after the approval of the declaration of sovereignty of the RSFSR by the parliament, became in the country more meaningful. It was during this period that conflict relations with Mikhail Gorbachev reached their peak, as a result of which he left the CPSU.

Most of the people reacted negatively to the collapse of such a great state as Soviet Union, having completely lost confidence in Gorbachev, which Yeltsin took advantage of. The year 1991 was marked by the fact that the people for the first time chose their own president, who became Boris Yeltsin. For the first time, people were able to choose their own leader, because before that the party dealt with these issues, and people were simply informed about the change in leader.

Political activity

The first President Yeltsin, immediately after his appointment, begins an active purge of the ranks. In August 1991, he arrested Gorbachev in the Crimea and put him under house arrest. Then, before the new year 1992, Yeltsin, having agreed with the first persons of Ukraine and Belarus, signed the Belovezhskaya agreement, as a result of which the CIS appeared.

Yeltsin's reign could not be called calm. It was he who had to actively resist the Supreme Council, which disagreed with his decisions. As a result, disagreements grow to such an extent that Yeltsin has to bring tanks into Moscow in order to dissolve parliament.

Despite the fact that he had strong support from the people, one significant slip crossed out all the merits. In 1994, Yeltsin approved the entry of the Russian military into Chechnya. As a result of hostilities, many Russians die, and the people begin to show the first signs of dissatisfaction with the new government.

A few years after these events, Yeltsin decides to run for a second term and overtakes his main rival from the Communists - Zyuganov. However, the election campaign did not go unnoticed for Yeltsin. It took him more than a year after the ceremony of his elevation to the presidency to restore his health.

Change of power in the country

Yeltsin's rule enters its final stage in the late 1990s. As a result of the crisis in Russia and the rapid collapse of the ruble, his rating is falling. Yeltsin decides to take a step unexpected for everyone: he quietly retires, leaving behind a successor in the person of Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin, who guarantees Boris Nikolaevich a calm and quiet old age.

Despite leaving the main post, Yeltsin does not cease to participate in political life country until Putin officially forbids him from attending such events by special decree, worrying about his state of health. However, even such strict precautions could not prevent a sad outcome.

Curious moments from life

Despite the fact that Boris's life was quite difficult, there were a lot of positive moments in it. Only he could afford informal communication with the top officials of the countries, being tipsy, which, although it was considered a lack of tact, was warmly received by most European leaders, who had the most positive impressions of Yeltsin. While visiting Germany, he liked the performance of the orchestra so much that he tried to conduct it himself. And, of course, one cannot fail to note the unsurpassed game on spoons. It is noteworthy that this talent would not have fallen into the category of funny moments in the life of Boris Yeltsin if he had not used the heads of his subordinates for the game.

Political figures such as Angela Merkel, George W. Bush, Jacques Chirac, Tony Blair, Bill Clinton forever remembered Yeltsin as a cheerful and cheerful person, thanks to whom Russia finally had a chance to rise from its knees after the collapse of the USSR and the subsequent crisis behind him. It was they who were the first to express their condolences to Naina Yeltsina on the day of the funeral.

On April 23, 2008, sculptor Georgy Frangulyan presented a monument to Boris Yeltsin at the Novodevichy Cemetery. The memorial is made in the colors of the Russian flag, under which an Orthodox cross is engraved. The materials used were white marble, sky-colored Byzantine mosaics and red porphyry.

Death and funeral

The lived years of Yeltsin's life allow us to judge him as a person with great willpower and a craving for life. Despite the fact that his political activities cannot be unequivocally assessed, it was he who had the honor of putting Russia on the path of improvement.

Yeltsin's death occurred on April 23, 2007, at 15.45, in the Central Clinical Hospital. The cause was cardiac arrest as a result of progressive cardiovascular multiple organ failure, that is, a malfunction internal organs during serious heart disease. It is worth noting that throughout his reign, he, as a true leader, was always aimed at winning, even if this required stepping over certain moral or legislative foundations. At the same time, the character of this great man remains inexplicable. Striving for absolute power and overcoming many obstacles for this, he voluntarily renounces it, handing over the reins of power to Vladimir Putin, who not only was able to improve the state created by Yeltsin, but also made significant progress in all sectors.

Immediately prior to his hospitalization, Yeltsin suffered an acute form of a cold that severely damaged his already poor health. Even despite the fact that he went to the clinic almost two weeks before his death, the best doctors in the country could not do anything. In the last week, he didn’t even get out of bed, and on the tragic day, the heart of the former head stopped twice, and the first time the doctors pulled him literally from the next world, and the second time nothing could be done.

According to the wishes of the relatives, the body of Boris Nikolaevich remained intact, and the pathologist did not perform an autopsy, however, this did not mitigate the fact that Yeltsin's funeral became a real tragedy. And the point here is not only in a loving family that sincerely experienced his death, but also in a tragedy for the entire Russian people. This day will forever be remembered by the inhabitants of Russia as a day of great mourning, declared by a special decree of the new President of the Russian Federation.

Yeltsin's funeral took place on April 25, 2007. The tragic ceremony was covered by all the main Russian TV channels, so that those who could not come to Moscow to say goodbye to him had the opportunity to watch what was happening at least from the other side of the screen and say goodbye to this outstanding person.

The ceremony was attended by many former and current heads of state. Those who could not appear in person expressed their condolences to Yeltsin's relatives. When the coffin with the body of the former head of state was lowered into the ground, an artillery salute was fired, marking a tribute to the memory of the president, who will always be remembered in Russia.